与论元实现中的力量传输和定向变化.docx
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与论元实现中的力量传输和定向变化
牛津认知语言学手册(GeeaertsandCuyckens2010再版)
Repost:
事件词汇化与论元实现中的力量传输和定向变化(第二部分,Croft:
forthcoming)
Thetransmissionofforcetakesplacefortheprofiledtemporalphaseoftheevent,butforconvenienceitisonlyrepresentedbythecausalarrowsatthebeginningandtheendoftheprofiledphase.
TheeventinFigure12containstwosubevents:
theoneinvolvingJaneisanundirectedactivityandtheoneinvolving“WarandPeace”isanaccomplishment.Theoveralleventprofiledbytheverbisanaccomplishment.Ingeneral,iftheverborpredicateprofileincludesadirectedchangesubevent,thentheaspectualtypeofthepredicateasawholeisadirectedchangeoftherelevanttype.Therealsoappearstobeanotherconstraintonpredicateprofiles,atleastforsimplepredicates:
onlyonedirectedchangesubeventoccursinapredicateprofile.ThisistheequivalentprincipleinthemodelpresentedheretoTenny’sconstraintonverbs(i.e.,eventlexicalizations):
‘therecanbenomorethanonemeasuringoutforanyeventdescribedbyaverb’(Tenny1994:
11).
ThemodelpresentedherehasseveralimportantadvantagesovertherepresentationinCroft(1991)aswellastherepresentationsproposedbyotherauthors.First,itclearlydistinguishestheaspectualandthecausalstructureofevents.Besidesthesemanticcleannessofthisfeature,italsoallowsustomoreclearlyrecognizethedistinctcontributionsthataspectualstructureandcausalstructuremaketothegrammarofpredicatesandarguments.Second,itallowsustoemploythefine-grainedaspectualanalysispresentedin§3alongwiththecausalstructureanalysispresentedin§2.Third,itrepresentsbothtypesofcausalstructure,namelythetransmissionofforcerelation—participantsactingonotherparticipants—andthestandardunderstandingofcausationintermsofeventscausingotherevents.Thisisbecauseoftheprinciplethateachparticipanthasitsownsubeventinthecausalstructureoftheoverallevent.Asnotedabove,thecausalsubeventscanbeinformallythoughtofaswhateachparticipantdoesorundergoesintheoverallevent.Finally,thismodeldemonstratesthateventscanbedecomposedinthreedistinctways:
temporally,intermsoftemporalphases;qualitatively,intermsofthestatesdefinedontheqdimensionforeachparticipant’ssubevent;andcausally,intermsofthesegmentsofthecausalchain.
Thethree-dimensionalgeometricalrepresentationconstitutesthesemanticstructureofthelinguisticrepresentation.Outsideofthatrepresentationarethemorphosyntacticstructuresthatarelinkedtothesemanticstructure.Iuseaconstructionalmodelofsyntaxhere(Fillmoreetal.1988;Goldberg1995;Croft2001;CroftandCruse2004).Theleftmostcolumn,withsyntacticrolesinallcapitals,indicatesthesyntaxoftheargumentstructureconstruction,whichisassociatedwiththesemanticsofthecausalchain.Thenextcolumntotheleftofthesemanticstructure,initalictypeface,indicatesthesyntaxoftheargumentphrasesthatinstantiatetheargumentrolesoftheargumentstructureconstruction.Theyareassociatedwiththeindividualcausalsubevents,whichdescribewhateachparticipantdoesorundergoesintheevent.Thecolumntotherightofthesemanticstructure,alsoinitalictypeface,indicatesthesyntaxofthepredicateandsatellitephrasesthatinstantiatethepredicateandsatellite(ifany)rolesintheargumentstructureconstruction.Theyareassociatedwiththeparticipantsubeventsthattheyeachprofile,includingthecausal(ornoncausal)relationsbetweenthesubeventsthattheyalsoprofile(indicatedbytheverticallinksinthesemanticstructure).
Acrucialbutincompletelyanalyzedelementinthesemanticstructurearethesubeventsthemselves.ThediagramsinFigures11and12givesuggestivelabelsforeachparticipant’ssubevent.Unlikethelinguisticformsinitalics,thesearepartofthesemanticstructure,andaregiveninromantypeface.Infact,theyareonlysuggestivelabels.Aproperdescriptionwouldbebasedondefiningallthewell-definedstatesonthequalitativedimensionforeachparticipant’ssubevent.Thiswouldbeofcourseananalysisofwhathasbeencalledthesemanticrootofapredicate(AR,71-72).
Inthenextsectionofthischapter,Iwillusethisrepresentationtoprovideananalysisofseveralphenomenathathavebeenassociatedwithaproposedcontrastbetweenmannerandresultpredicates.Iarguethatinfactthecrucialsemanticdistinctionisthatbetweendirectedchangeandundirectedchange.
5.Directedchangeineventlexicalization
LevinandRappaportHovav(1991)addressthequestionofwhatargumentstructurealternationsareallowedforindividualpredicatesinEnglish.Theyobservethatsomepredicatesallowformanyargumentstructurealternations,usingtheexampleofwipe:
(15)Transitive:
Kaywipedthecounter.[surfacecontactmeaning]
(16)Resultative:
Kaywipedthecounterclean.
[resultfromsurfacecontact]
(17)Removal:
Kaywipedthefingerprintsfromthecounter.
[removebymeansofsurfacecontact]
(18)Application:
Kaywipedthepolishontothetable.
[applybymeansofsurfacecontact]
Incontrast,otherpredicatessuchasbreakandopenappeartoallowveryfew
argumentstructurealternations(RappaportHovavandLevin1998:
100-3).
LevinandRappaportHovavdescribeverbsofthewipetypeasmannerverbs,and
verbsofthebreaktypeasresultverbs.Theytreatthisasamajordistinctioninevent
lexicalizationpatterns,andtracethedistinctionbacktoFillmore(1967).Talmy
(1991/2000)makesessentiallythesamedistinctionbetweenverb-framing(result)and
satellite-framing(manner)realizationsofevents.
RappaportHovavandLevin(1998)proposeanexplanationintermsofthestructural
complexityofevents(seealsoAR,115-17).Mannerverbsbasicallydescribesimple
events,consistingofonesubeventintheirrepresentation.Furthersubeventscanbe
combinedwithasimplemannersubevent,leadingtotheargumentstructuresfoundin
(16)-(18).Resultverbs,ontheotherhand,formcomplexsubevents,includingamong
otherthingstheresultstate.Forthemostpart,furthersubeventscannotbecombinedwith
acomplexresultevent.Asaconsequence,resultverbsdonotallowforasmany
argumentstructurealternations.
LevinandRappaportHovav’sexplanationisbasedonahighlyabstractpropertyof
eventstructure,namelyitscomplexityintheireventdecompositionmodel,ratherthanon
specificsemanticpropertiesoftheeventoranyofitssubevents.Itisthereforehighly
sensitivetothewayinwhichaneventisdecomposedinasemanticanalysis.For
example,inthemodelofeventdecompositionpresentedhere,virtuallyeveryeventis
complexinatleastoneofthethreedimensions(time,qualitativestates,andcausal
chain).Theonlytypeofeventthatissimple(=consistsofonlyonesubeventonall
dimensions)isaone-participantinherentpermanentstate.Thuswemustfindamore
specificsemanticpropertyofeventsthatwilldistinguishmannerandresultverbs.That
propertyappearstobedirectedchange.
Mannerverbsdonotprofileadirectedchangeintheirmost“basic”orlowestvalency
construal.Forexample,thelowestvalencyconstrualforwipeisthetransitive
constructioninexample(15);thediagramrepresentingitssemanticstructureisinFigure
13:
Figure13.Representationofexample(15).
Highervalencyconstructionsaddadirectedchangetotheverbalprofile.Sincethere
isnodirectedchangeinthelowest-valencyprofile,onecanconstruedifferenttypesof
directedchangesforthemannerevent.Aresultativeconstructionforwipeasin(16)
construesthelocusofsurfacecontactaspossessingascalarpropertythatisgradually
broughtaboutbythemanner:
Figure14.Representationofexample(16).
Theremovalconstructionin(17)construestheentitythatisremovedasafigureina
directedchangeoflocation,andtheapplicationconstructionin(18)construesanapplied
entityasafigureinanotherkindofdirectedchangeoflocation:
Figure15.Representationofexample(17).
Figure16.Representationofexample(18).
Incontrast,aresultverbprofilesadirectedchangeinitslowestvalencyform.Hence
itcannotoccurinaconstructionthataddsanotherdirectedchange,becauseofthe
constraintallowingonlyonedirectedchangesubeventinaverbalprofile.
ThesuggestivelabelfortheundirectedactivitysubeventinFigures13-16isa
combinationthatincorporatesmanner(wipe)andasecondpredicatethatdescribeswhat
isbeingdoneinthatmanner(contact,remove,apply).Themannersemanticcomponent
isincorporatedintoasubeventwhichotherwiseappearstodescribearesultofthemanner
activity:
thewipingappearstocausecontact,removalorapplicationintheexamples.Ina
causalmodel,onemightexpecttwoseparatesubevents,whichinthiscasewouldshare
thesameparticipant.
However,thisisnotgenerallythecase.Forexample,whilethemannerofmotion
causesthedirectedmotionin(19),themannerofsoundemissionin(20)doesnotcause
thedirectedmotion,nordoesthemannerofsoundemissionin(21)causetheproduction
ofthelinguisticutterance:
(19)Sheswamtotheotherside.
(20)Thecarscreechedaroundthecorner.
(21)Hegrowledhisanswer.
Thus,itappearstha