GRE阅读黄皮缺的9099真题.docx

1、GRE阅读黄皮缺的9099真题91/02/bSome recent historians have argued that life in the British colonies in America from approximately 1763 to 1789 was marked by internal conflicts among colonists. Inheritors of some of the viewpoints of early twentieth-century Progressive historians such as Beard and Becker, the

2、se recent historians have put forward arguments that deserve evaluation.The kind of conflict most emphasized by these historians is class conflict. Yet with the Revolutionary War dominating these years, how does one distinguish class conflict within that larger conflict? Certainly not by the side a

3、person supported. Although many of these historians have accepted the earlier assumption that Loyalists represented an upper class, new evidence indicates that Loyalists, like rebels, were drawn from all socioeconomic classes. (It is nonetheless probably true that a larger percentage of the well-to-

4、do joined the Loyalists than joined the rebels.) Looking at the rebel side, we find little evidence for the contention that lower-class rebels were in conflict with upper-class rebels. Indeed, the war effort against Britain tended to suppress class conflicts. Where it did not, the disputing rebels o

5、f one or another class usually became Loyalists. Loyalism thus operated as a safety valve to remove socioeconomic discontent that existed among the rebels. Disputes occurred, of course, among those who remained on the rebel side, but the extraordinary social mobility of eighteenth-century American s

6、ociety (with the obvious exception of slaves) usually prevented such disputes from hardening along class lines. Social structure was in fact so fluidthough recent statistics suggest a narrowing of economic opportunity as the latter half of the century progressedthat to talk about social classes at a

7、ll requires the use of loose economic categories such as rich, poor, and middle class, or eighteenth-century designations like “the better sort.” Despite these vague categories, one should not claim unequivocally that hostility between recognizable classes cannot be legitimately observed. Outside of

8、 New York, however, there were very few instances of openly expressed class antagonism.Having said this, however, one must add that there is much evidence to support the further claim of recent historians that sectional conflicts were common between 1763 and 1789. The “Paxton Boys” incident and the

9、Regulator movement are representative examples of the widespread, and justified, discontent of western settlers against colonial or state governments dominated by eastern interests. Although undertones of class conflict existed beneath such hostility, the opposition was primarily geographical. Secti

10、onal conflictwhich also existed between North and Southdeserves further investigation.In summary, historians must be careful about the kind of conflict they emphasize in eighteenth-century America. Yet those who stress the achievement of a general consensus among the colonists cannot fully understan

11、d that consensus without understanding the conflicts that had to be overcome or repressed in order to reach it.17. The author considers the contentions made by the recent historians discussed in the passage to be(A) potentially verifiable(B) partially justified(C) logically contradictory(D) ingeniou

12、s but flawed(E) capricious and unsupported18. The author most likely refers to “historians such as Beard and Becker” (lines 5-6) in order to(A) isolate the two historians whose work is most representative of the viewpoints of Progressive historians(B) emphasize the need to find connections between r

13、ecent historical writing and the work of earlier historians(C) make a case for the importance of the views of the Progressive historians concerning eighteenth-century American life(D) suggest that Progressive historians were the first to discover the particular internal conflicts in eighteenth-centu

14、ry American life mentioned in the passage(E) point out historians whose views of history anticipated some of the views of the recent historians mentioned in the passage19. According to the passage, Loyalism during the American Revolutionary War served the function of(A) eliminating the disputes that

15、 existed among those colonists who supported the rebel cause(B) drawing upper, as opposed to lower, socioeconomic classes away from the rebel cause(C) tolerating the kinds of socioeconomic discontent that were not allowed to exist on the rebel side(D) channeling conflict that existed within a socioe

16、conomic class into the war effort against the rebel cause(E) absorbing members of socioeconomic groups on the rebel side who felt themselves in contention with members of other socioeconomic groups20. The passage suggests that the author would be likely to agree with which of the following statement

17、s about the social structure of eighteenth-century American society?I. It allowed greater economic opportunity than it did social mobility.II. It permitted greater economic opportunity prior to 1750 than after 1750.III. It did not contain rigidly defined socioeconomic divisions.IV. It prevented econ

18、omic disputes from arising among members of the society.(A) I and IV only(B) II and III only(C) III and IV only(D) I, II, and III only(E) I, II, III, and IV21. It can be inferred from the passage that the author would be most likely to agree with which of the following statements regarding socioecon

19、omic class and support for the rebel and Loyalist causes during the American Revolutionary War?(A) Identifying a persons socioeconomic class is the least accurate method of ascertaining which side that person supported.(B) Identifying a person as a member of the rebel or of the Loyalist side does no

20、t necessarily reveal that persons particular socioeconomic class.(C) Both the rebel and the Loyalist sides contained members of all socioeconomic classes, although there were fewer disputes among socioeconomic classes on the Loyalist side.(D) Both the rebel and the Loyalist sides contained members o

21、f all socioeconomic classes, although the Loyalist side was made up primarily of members of the upper classes.(E) Both the rebel and the Loyalist sides contained members of all socioeconomic classes, although many upper-class rebels eventually joined the Loyalists.22. The author suggests which of th

22、e following about the representativeness of colonial or state governments in America from 1763 to 1789?(A) The governments inadequately represented the interests of people in western regions.(B) The governments more often represented class interests than sectional interests.(C) The governments were

23、less representative than they had been before 1763.(D) The governments were dominated by the interests of people of an upper socioeconomic class。(E) The governments of the northern colonies were less representative than were the governments of the southern colonies.23. According to the passage, whic

24、h of the following is a true statement about sectional conflicts in America between 1763 and 1789?(A) These conflicts were instigated by eastern interests against western settlers.(B) These conflicts were the most serious kind of conflict in America.(C) The conflicts eventually led to openly express

25、ed class antagonism.(D) These conflicts contained an element of class hostility.(E) These conflicts were motivated by class conflicts.91/10/AIn The Women of Mexico City, 1796-1857, Sylvia Marina Arrom argues that the status of women in Mexico City improved during the nineteenth century. According to

26、 Arrom, households headed by females and instances of women working outside the home were much more common than scholars have estimated; efforts by the Mexican government to encourage female education resulted in increased female literacy; and influential male writers wrote advocating education, emp

27、loyment, and increased family responsibilities for women, while deploring womens political and marital inequality. Mention of the fact that the civil codes of 1870 and 1884 significantly advanced womens rights would have further strengthened Arroms argument.Arrom does not discuss whether womens impr

28、oved status counteracted the effects on women of instability in the Mexican economy during the nineteenth century. However, this is not so much a weakness in her work as it is the inevitable result of scholars neglect of this period. Indeed, such gaps in Mexican history are precisely what make Arrom

29、s pioneering study an important addition to Latin American womens history.24. The passage is primarily concerned with doing which of the following?(A) Reviewing a historical study of the status of women in Mexico City during the nineteenth century(B) Analyzing the effects of economic instability on

30、the status of women in Mexico during the nineteenth century(C) Advancing a thesis explaining why womens status in Mexico City improved during the nineteenth century(D) Rejecting the thesis that the status of women in Mexico City during the nineteenth century actually improved(E) Praising an author f

31、or a pioneering attempt to bridge significant gaps in Mexicos economic history prior to 179025. According to the author of the passage, Arroms study can be characterized as “an important addition to Latin American womens history” (lines 21-22) because it(A) offers a radical thesis concerning the sta

32、tus of womens civil rights in Mexican society during the nineteenth century(B) relies on a new method of historical analysis that has not previously been applied to Latin American history(C) focuses only on the status of women in Mexican society(D) addresses a period in Mexican history that scholars have to some extent neglected(E) is the first study to recognize the role of the Mexican government in encouraging womens education26. It can be inferred from the passage that Arrom would agree with which of the following assertions?(A) Efforts