英语演讲稿The Four Freedomsby富兰克林罗斯福.docx

1、英语演讲稿The Four Freedoms by 富兰克林罗斯福英语演讲稿The Four Freedoms by 富兰克林.罗斯福 美国名人100大演讲Mr. President, Mr. Speaker, members of the 77th Congress:I address you, the members of this new Congress, at a moment unprecedented in the history of the union. I use the word “unprecedented” because at no previous time ha

2、s American security been as seriously threatened from without as it is today.Since the permanent formation of our government under the Constitution in 1789, most of the periods of crisis in our history have related to our domestic affairs. And, fortunately, only one of these - the four-year war betw

3、een the States - ever threatened our national unity. Today, thank God, 130,000,000 Americans in 48 States have forgotten points of the compass in our national unity.It is true that prior to 1914 the United States often has been disturbed by events in other continents. We have even engaged in two war

4、s with European nations and in a number of undeclared wars in the West Indies, in the Mediterranean and in the Pacific, for the maintenance of American rights and for the principles of peaceful commerce. But in no case had a serious threat been raised against our national safety or our continued ind

5、ependence.What I seek to convey is the historic truth that the United States as a nation has at all times maintained opposition - clear, definite opposition - to any attempt to lock us in behind an ancient Chinese wall while the procession of civilization went past. Today, thinking of our children a

6、nd of their children, we oppose enforced isolation for ourselves or for any other part of the Americas.That determination of ours, extending over all these years, was proved, for example, in the early days during the quarter century of wars following the French Revolution. While the Napoleonic strug

7、gles did threaten interests of the United States because of the French foothold in the West Indies and in Louisiana, and while we engaged in the War of 1812 to vindicate our right to peaceful trade, it is nevertheless clear that neither France nor Great Britain nor any other nation was aiming at dom

8、ination of the whole world.And in like fashion, from 1815 to 1914 - ninety-nine years - no single war in Europe or in Asia constituted a real threat against our future or against the future of any other American nation.Except in the Maximilian interlude in Mexico, no foreign power sought to establis

9、h itself in this hemisphere. And the strength of the British fleet in the Atlantic has been a friendly strength; it is still a friendly strength.Even when the World War broke out in 1914, it seemed to contain only small threat of danger to our own American future. But as time went on, as we remember

10、, the American people began to visualize what the downfall of democratic nations might mean to our own democracy.We need not overemphasize imperfections in the peace of Versailles. We need not harp on failure of the democracies to deal with problems of world reconstruction. We should remember that t

11、he peace of 1919 was far less unjust than the kind of pacification which began even before Munich, and which is being carried on under the new order of tyranny that seeks to spread over every continent today. The American people have unalterably set their faces against that tyranny.I suppose that ev

12、ery realist knows that the democratic way of life is at this moment being directly assailed in every part of the world - assailed either by arms or by secret spreading of poisonous propaganda by those who seek to destroy unity and promote discord in nations that are still at peace. During 16 long mo

13、nths this assault has blotted out the whole pattern of democratic life in an appalling number of independent nations, great and small. And the assailants are still on the march, threatening other nations, great and small.Therefore, as your President, performing my constitutional duty to “give to the

14、 Congress information of the state of the union,” I find it unhappily necessary to report that the future and the safety of our country and of our democracy are overwhelmingly involved in events far beyond our borders.Armed defense of democratic existence is now being gallantly waged in four contine

15、nts. If that defense fails, all the population and all the resources of Europe and Asia, and Africa and Austral-Asia will be dominated by conquerors. And let us remember that the total of those populations in those four continents, the total of those populations and their resources greatly exceed th

16、e sum total of the population and the resources of the whole of the Western Hemisphere - yes, many times over.In times like these it is immature - and, incidentally, untrue - for anybody to brag that an unprepared America, single-handed and with one hand tied behind its back, can hold off the whole

17、world.No realistic American can expect from a dictators peace international generosity, or return of true independence, or world disarmament, or freedom of expression, or freedom of religion - or even good business. Such a peace would bring no security for us or for our neighbors. Those who would gi

18、ve up essential liberty to purchase a little temporary safety deserve neither liberty nor safety.As a nation we may take pride in the fact that we are soft-hearted; but we cannot afford to be soft-headed. We must always be wary of those who with sounding brass and a tinkling cymbal preach the “ism”

19、of appeasement. We must especially beware of that small group of selfish men who would clip the wings of the American eagle in order to feather their own nests.I have recently pointed out how quickly the tempo of modern warfare could bring into our very midst the physical attack which we must eventu

20、ally expect if the dictator nations win this war.There is much loose talk of our immunity from immediate and direct invasion from across the seas. Obviously, as long as the British Navy retains its power, no such danger exists. Even if there were no British Navy, it is not probable that any enemy wo

21、uld be stupid enough to attack us by landing troops in the United States from across thousands of miles of ocean, until it had acquired strategic bases from which to operate.But we learn much from the lessons of the past years in Europe - particularly the lesson of Norway, whose essential seaports w

22、ere captured by treachery and surprise built up over a series of years. The first phase of the invasion of this hemisphere would not be the landing of regular troops. The necessary strategic points would be occupied by secret agents and by their dupes - and great numbers of them are already here and

23、 in Latin America. As long as the aggressor nations maintain the offensive they, not we, will choose the time and the place and the method of their attack.And that is why the future of all the American Republics is today in serious danger. That is why this annual message to the Congress is unique in

24、 our history. That is why every member of the executive branch of the government and every member of the Congress face great responsibility, great accountability. The need of the moment is that our actions and our policy should be devoted primarily - almost exclusively - to meeting this foreign peri

25、l. For all our domestic problems are now a part of the great emergency.Just as our national policy in internal affairs has been based upon a decent respect for the rights and the dignity of all our fellow men within our gates, so our national policy in foreign affairs has been based on a decent resp

26、ect for the rights and the dignity of all nations, large and small. And the justice of morality must and will win in the end.Our national policy is this:First, by an impressive expression of the public will and without regard to partisanship, we are committed to all-inclusive national defense.Second

27、ly, by an impressive expression of the public will and without regard to partisanship, we are committed to full support of all those resolute people everywhere who are resisting aggression and are thereby keeping war away from our hemisphere. By this support we express our determination that the dem

28、ocratic cause shall prevail, and we strengthen the defense and the security of our own nation.Third, by an impressive expression of the public will and without regard to partisanship, we are committed to the proposition that principles of morality and considerations for our own security will never p

29、ermit us to acquiesce in a peace dictated by aggressors and sponsored by appeasers. We know that enduring peace cannot be bought at the cost of other peoples freedom.In the recent national election there was no substantial difference between the two great parties in respect to that national policy.

30、No issue was fought out on this line before the American electorate. And today it is abundantly evident that American citizens everywhere are demanding and supporting speedy and complete action in recognition of obvious danger.Therefore, the immediate need is a swift and driving increase in our arma

31、ment production. Leaders of industry and labor have responded to our summons. Goals of speed have been set. In some cases these goals are being reached ahead of time. In some cases we are on schedule; in other cases there are slight but not serious delays. And in some cases - and, I am sorry to say,

32、 very important cases - we are all concerned by the slowness of the accomplishment of our plans.The Army and Navy, however, have made substantial progress during the past year. Actual experience is improving and speeding up our methods of production with every passing day. And todays best is not good enough for tomorrow.I am not satisfied with the progress thus far made. The men in charge of the program represent the best in training, in ability, and in patriotism. They are not satisfied with the progress thus far made. None of us will be satisfied until the job is done.No matter