城市的生态田园农业资源与经济和市场.docx

1、城市的生态田园农业资源与经济和市场Meat processing and Garden City, KS: Boom and bustRural StudiesIn December 1980, the worlds largest beef processing plant opened 10 miles west of Garden City, KS. Three years later another beef plant opened on Garden Citys eastern edge. Full employment in the surrounding region mean

2、t that most of the 4000 workers needed to run these plants had to come from elsewhereand they did. Garden City grew by one-third from 1980 to 1985, and it became a modern boomtown. Garden City suffered many of the social problems associated with the energy boomtowns of the Rocky Mountain West descri

3、bed by earlier researchers. But unlike the jobs created in those earlier boomtowns, meatpacking paid poorly and provided few benefits. On Christmas night in 2000, a fire destroyed one of the beef plants, putting 2300 people out of work. Four years after the fire, the plant remains closed and the tow

4、ns economy is in decline. This paper describes the social and economic consequences for a boomtown when a major engine of its economy goes bust.Urbanization and class-produced natures: Vegetable gardens in the Barcelona Metropolitan RegionGeoforumThis paper examines urban vegetable gardens in the Me

5、tropolitan Region of Barcelona (MRB) in the context of a political ecological approach. We argue that these gardens provide an interesting example of how the urbanization process creates particular “socionatures” linked in this case to retired members of the working class who occupy (often as squatt

6、ers) and transform the interstices left by the expanding city in order to produce food at a small scale. We document how these vegetable gardens are the product of a peculiar form of the recent urban history of the area, and also how they are increasingly under pressure due to the rapid process of s

7、prawl now characterizing the expansion of the built environment in the Barcelona region. Vegetable gardens also highlight the contradictions of public policies in managing urban development, since the general attitude towards their elimination from the urban landscape stands in opposition to many of

8、 the sustainability initiatives such as the “greening of cities” promoted by city councils in this area. The empirical analysis was carried out in the municipality of Terrassa, one of the largest cities in the MRB, and also one with a higher number of vegetable gardens. We interviewed 132 plot users

9、 and obtained data about the legal status of gardens, their size and appearance, and crops grown, as well as the reasons for pursuing this activity. Our results show that, in general, this is an activity undertaken by people over 60years old, often retired members of the working class that migrated

10、to Catalonia from other Spanish regions in the 1960s and 1970s, and that use these spaces for a variety of reasons (personal goals, support to their families, and also as a bond to their rural past). Finally, we develop some conclusions regarding vegetable gardens in which we maintain that different

11、 social classes may create different natures but that class and power relations appear to legitimize some of these natures over others, for example, private and public gardens having a much larger social and institutional appeal and support than the vegetable gardens of the retired workers.French be

12、ans for the masses: a modern historical geography of food in Burkina FasoHistorical GeographyMuch of the literature on the modern history of food and diet in Africa focuses on material dearth and cultural loss, described in overarching terms such as urbanization and westernization. Such generalizati

13、ons do not capture the complexity of the dietary and culinary changes that have occurred there. This article shows how a geographic perspective enriches the historical analysis of food and foodways, by situating changing norms and practices in spatial and ecological contexts. It examines the twentie

14、th-century history of food consumption in Burkina Faso, focusing on the region of Bobo-Dioulasso, the countrys second largest city. It shows how the agricultural policies, dietary preferences, and health concerns of French colonialsall of which emphasized the need for fresh garden vegetableshelped t

15、o transform not just the regional diet but also the landscape and economy, and thus certain temporal and spatial patterns of daily life. The article also examines how, in recent history, Burkina Fasos incorporation into globalized markets and media networks has resulted in both unintended gluts of l

16、uxury food (French beans) as well as growing concerns about the safety and purity of everyday food.What makes a great city great? An American perspectiveCitiesThis article takes up the question of what makes a great city great? It begins by using historical examples to extrapolate and define city gr

17、eatness. The concept is synthesized in a simple formulation of the “4Cs”; with each “C” respectively standing for currency, cosmopolitanism, concentration and charisma. Currency conveys the unique attributes of a citys fundamental values and its ability to form, lead or dictate the temper of the tim

18、es. Cosmopolitanism entails an ability to embrace international, multicultural or polyethnic features. Concentration is defined by demographic density and productive mass. Charisma is based on a magical appeal that generates mass enthusiasm, admiration or reverence. Four American cities (New York, C

19、hicago, Los Angeles and San Francisco) are examined through a sequence of thumbnail sketches. These sketches are complemented by data that measure the standing of each city relative to each of the 4Cs The article concludes with a discussion of how a city (Chicago) can find a niche for asserting grea

20、tness, whether a “post modern city” (Los Angeles) can be a model for future greatness and the limitations of reaching for greatness.Evaluating sustainability in waste management: the case of construction and demolition, chemical and clinical wastes in Hong KongResourcesThis paper intends to set out

21、clearly defined criteria for evaluating sustainability in solid waste management and have them illustrated by a modern Chinese cityHong Kong. Following a thorough literature review, four evaluative criteria are derived: environmental desirability, economic optimization, social acceptability and equi

22、ty and administrative diligence. These four criteria are then applied in the context of Hong Kong for the evaluation of the management performance of construction and demolition waste, clinical waste and chemical waste. Although the need to attain sustainability is compelling in Hong Kong, our analy

23、sis shows that the management of construction and demolition waste, clinical waste and chemical waste has failed in almost all the sustainability criteria. In terms of controlling the environmental impact from waste management, only end of pipe treatment is adequately delivered but preventive waste

24、management programs are far from adequate. In terms of waste management economics, economic incentives have yet to be instituted for most waste generators. Thus, the present levels of waste generation in Hong Kong far exceed social and economic optimal. Furthermore, although Hong Kong has been comme

25、nded by having an efficient government, the ability of the government to induce environmentally responsible behavior from private waste generators is weak and thus failing the administrative diligence criterion as well. In the management of the three types of waste, the welfare of future generations

26、 is often sacrificed for the narrower, sectoral or district community interests. The myopic environmental welfare view in the Hong Kong community is a logical result of the minimal effort devoted to build up social capital stock and environmental citizenship culture. The main causes for the unsatisf

27、actory waste management performance in Hong Kong is closely related to the governance style of the government rather than some general causes such as a lack of technological know-how or financial constraints.Restructuring and repositioning Shenzhen, Chinas new mega cityProgress in PlanningShenzhen,

28、a new mega city founded under Chinas open door policy, has experienced dramatic urban development over the past 30 years. From humble beginnings as a fishing village before the 1980s, it benefited from locational advantage next to Hong Kong, an autonomous city with a global role in finance and trade

29、. Shenzhen was first among cities in China to adapt the capitalist worlds urban development practices to an indigenous, centrally controlled land management system. As a new city, Shenzhen may best represent the role of planning in a time of economic transition. Urban planning in Shenzhen was ambiti

30、ous in its reach, using experimental reform as a vehicle for institutionalising changes in management of the land resource. These reforms became generalised in China, leading to a recent decline in academic investigation of Shenzhen. While the city as reformer seems to have run its course, new chall

31、enges upset the old assumptions and call for more research. Today, as industry moves inland away from increasingly costly coastal areas, the city is grappling with the need to restructure its economic base. The city has undertaken major infrastructural projects in a bid to secure its role as a major

32、 transhipment hub and logistics command centre, while also developing a rail-based mass transit system. The regeneration of disused industrial land and urban villages, built up to accommodate at low cost a huge factory workforce, are important ongoing city programmes. While the city extends its infr

33、astructure to connect more effectively with the rest of the Pearl River Delta (PRD) and with Hong Kong, more fundamental questions surround its role within a restructuring regional economy. Ambitions for international stature, bolstered by a large and young population base, a world-class port and modern facilities