上海外国语大学高级翻译学院翻译硕士入学真题.docx

1、上海外国语大学高级翻译学院翻译硕士入学真题上海外国语大学高级翻译学院2012年翻译硕士入学真题词语翻译：301. Austerity measures2. UNSECO3. The US Senate4. APEC5. Washington Post6. NATO7. Arab Spring8. Gary Locke9. Reuters10. Wall Street Journal 1. 十二五规划2. 十七届六中全会3. 全国人大4. 新华社5. 软实力6. 中美战略经济对话7. 上海合作组织8. 珠江三角洲9. “西气东输”10. 北京共识短文翻译E-CThe great schools

2、revolutionBy The EconomistFrom The EconomistPublished: September 23, 2011Education remains the trickiest part of attempts to reform the public sector. But as ever more countries embark on it, some vital lessons are beginning to be learnedFROM Toronto to Wroclaw, London to Rome, pupils and teachers h

3、ave been returning to the classroom after their summer break. But this September schools themselves are caught up in a global battle of ideas. In many countries education is at the forefront of political debate, and reformers desperate to improve their national performance are drawing examples of go

4、od practice from all over the world.Why now? One answer is the sheer amount of data available on performance, not just within countries but between them. In 2000 the Programme for International Student Assessment (PISA) at the OECD, a rich-country club, began tracking academic attainment by the age

5、of 15 in 32 countries. Many were shocked by where they came in the rankings. (PISAs latest figures appear in table 1.) Other outfits, too, have been measuring how good or bad schools are. McKinsey, a consultancy, has monitored which education systems have improved most in recent years.Technology has

6、 also made a difference. After a number of false starts, many people now believe that the internet can make a real difference to educating children. Hence the success of institutions like Americas Kahn Academy. Experimentation is also infectious; the more governments try things, the more others exam

7、ine, and copy, the results.Above all, though, there has been a change in the quality of the debate. In particular, what might be called the three great excuses for bad schools have receded in importance. Teachers unions have long maintained that failures in Western education could be blamed on skimp

8、y government spending, social class and cultures that did not value education. All these make a difference, but they do not determine outcomes by themselves.The idea that good schooling is about spending money is the one that has been beaten back hardest. Many of the 20 leading economic performers i

9、n the OECD doubled or tripled their education spending in real terms between 1970 and 1994, yet outcomes in many countries stagnatedor went backwards. Educational performance varies widely even among countries that spend similar amounts per pupil. Such spending is highest in the United Statesyet Ame

10、rica lags behind other developed countries on overall outcomes in secondary education. Andreas Schleicher, head of analysis at PISA, thinks that only about 10% of the variation in pupil performance has anything to do with money.Many still insist, though, that social class makes a difference. Martin

11、Johnson, an education trade unionist, points to Britains inequality between classes, which is among the largest in the wealthiest nations as the main reason why its pupils underperform. A review of reforms over the past decade by researchers at Oxford University supports him. Despite rising attainme

12、nt levels, it concludes, there has been little narrowing of longstanding and sizeable attainment gaps. Those from disadvantaged backgrounds remain at higher risks of poor outcomes. American studies confirm the point; Dan Goldhaber of the University of Washington claims that non-school factors, such

13、as family income, account for as much as 60% of a childs performance in school.Yet the link is much more variable than education egalitarians suggest. Australia, for instance, has wide discrepancies of income, but came a creditable ninth in the most recent PISA study. China, rapidly developing into

14、one of the worlds least equal societies, finished first.Culture is certainly a factor. Many Asian parents pay much more attention to their childrens test results than Western ones do, and push their schools to succeed. Singapore, Hong Kong and South Korea sit comfortably at the top of McKinseys rank

15、ings (see table 2). But not only do some Western countries do fairly well; there are also huge differences within them. Even if you put to one side the unusual Asians, as this briefing will now do, many Western systems could jump forward merely by bringing their worst schools up to the standard of t

16、heir best.C-E社会实践是法律的基础，法律是实践经验的总结、提炼。社会实践永无止境，法律体系也要与时俱进。建设中国特色社会主义是一项长期的历史任务，完善中国特色社会主义法律体系同样是一项长期而又艰巨的任务，必须随着中国特色社会主义实践的发展不断向前推进。法律的生命力在于实施。中国特色社会主义法律体系的形成，总体上解决了有法可依的问题，对有法必依、执法必严、违法必究提出了更为突出、更加紧迫的要求。中国将积极采取有效措施，切实保障宪法和法律的有效实施，加快推进依法治国、建设社会主义法治国家的进程。The future of the EUTwo-speed Europe, or two E

17、uropes? Nov 10th 2011, 2:23 by Charlemagne | BRUSSELS NICOLAS Sarkozy is causing a big stir after calling on November 8th for a two-speed Europe: a “federal” core of the 17 members of the euro zone, with a looser “confederal” outer band of the ten non-euro members. He made the comments during a deba

18、te with students at the University of Strasbourg. The key passage is below (video here, starting near the 63-minute mark)“You cannot make a single currency without economic convergence and economic integration. Its impossible. But on the contrary, one cannot plead for federalism and at the same time

19、 for the enlargement of Europe. Its impossible. Theres a contradiction. We are 27. We will obviously have to open up to the Balkans. We will be 32, 33 or 34. I imagine that nobody thinks that federalismtotal integrationis possible at 33, 34, 35 countries. So what one we do? To begin with, frankly, t

20、he single currency is a wonderful idea, but it was strange to create it without asking oneself the question of its governance, and without asking oneself about economic convergence. Honestly, its nice to have a vision, but there are details that are missing: we made a currency, but we kept fiscal sy

21、stems and economic systems that not only were not converging, but were diverging. And not only did we make a single currency without convergence, but we tried to undo the rules of the pact. It cannot work. There will not be a single currency without greater economic integration and convergence. That

22、 is certain. And that is where we are going. Must one have the same rules for the 27? No. Absolutely not . In the end, clearly, there will be two European gears: one gear towards more integration in the euro zone and a gear that is more confederal in the European Union.”At first blush this is statem

23、ent of the blindingly obvious. The euro zone must integrate to save itself; even the British say so. And among the ten non-euro states of the EU there are countries such as Britain and Denmark that have no intention of joining the single currency.The European Union is, in a sense, made up not of two

24、 but of multiple speeds. Think only of the 25 members of the Schengen passport-free travel zone (excluding Britain but including some non-EU members), or of the 25 states seeking to create a common patent (including Britain, but excluding Italy and Spain).But Mr Sarkozys comments are more worrying b

25、ecause, one suspects, he wants to create an exclusivist, protectionist euro zone that seeks to detach itself from the rest of the European Union. Elsewhere in the debate in Strasbourg, for instance, Mr Sarkozy seems to suggest that Europes troublesdebt and high unemploymentare all the fault of socia

26、l, environmental and monetary “dumping” by developing countries that pursue “aggressive” trade policies.For another insight into Mr Sarkozys thinking about Europe, one should listen to an interview he gave a few days earlier, at the end of the marathon-summitry in Brussels at the end of October: “I

27、dont think there is enough economic integration in the euro zone, the 17, and too much integration in the European Union at 27.”In other words, France, or Mr Sarkozy at any rate, does not appear to have got over its resentment of the EUs enlargement. At 27 nations-strong, the European Union is too b

28、ig for France to lord it over the rest and is too liberal in economic terms for Frances protectionist leanings. Hence Mr Sarkozys yearning for a smaller, cosier, “federalist” euro zone.This chimes with the idea of a Kerneuropa (core Europe) promoted in 1994 by Karl Lamers and Wolfgang Schuble, who h

29、appens to be Germanys current finance minister. Intriguingly, it is the first time that Mr Sarkozy, once something of a sceptic of European integration, has spoken publicly about “federalism”, although he had made a similar comment in private to European leaders in March (see my column). It echoes t

30、he views of Mr Sarkozys Socialist predecessor, Franois Mitterrand.Such ideas appeared to have been killed off by the large eastward enlargement of the EU in 2004, and by the French voters rejection of the EUs new constitution in 2005. But the euro zones debt crisis is reviving these old dreams.But w

31、hat sort of federalism? Mr Sarkozy probably wants to create a euro zone in Frances image, with power (and much discretion) concentrated in the hands of leaders, where the “Merkozy” duo (Angela Merkel and Nicolas Sarkozy) will dominate. Germany will no doubt want a replica of its own federal system,

32、with strong rules and powerful independent institutions to constrain politicians. Le Monde carries a series of articles (in French) on what a two-speed Europe may mean. If the euro zone survives the crisisand the meltdown of Italys bonds in the markets suggests that is becoming ever more difficultit will plainly require deep reform of the EUs treaties. Done properly, by keeping the euro open to countries that want to join (like Poland) and deepening the single market for thos