经济学人.docx

1、经济学人老师，这是我找的一篇经济学人，里面我用咖啡色标记出来的是我不会翻译，或者我觉得那个翻译有问题我看不懂，希望老师帮我看一下，然后可以给出一个较好的翻译。谢啦Alone at the top高处不胜寒Germany has done much to atone for the past. Now it faces leadership, a greater burden德国已经为过去做了太多的赎罪。如今，她面对是领导力。这个担子要重得多。Jul 26th 2014 | From the print editionALLEINSCHULD, the belief in “sole guilt

2、” for one if not two world wars, has had an enduring impact on Germanys public life. It explains why there is little commemoration of war dead, even for this weeks centenary of the outbreak of the Great War. The first Weltkrieg is regarded as the terrifying overture to the second. It also explains G

3、ermanys attachment to pacifism and its reluctance to show the leadership that friends demand of Europes biggest economy. Over recent decades, Germanys answer to Alleinschuld has been to concentrate on its economy and cover itself with the European flag.认为自己起码应该对两次世界大战中的一次负有“唯一罪孽”的信念对德国的公众生活有一种持久的影响力

4、。这解释了几乎没有为战争死难者的举行纪念活动的原因。即便本周是第一次世界大战爆发百年也是如此。第一次世界大战被认为是第二次世界大战的可怕的序幕。它同时还揭示了德国为什么要坚守和平主义，以及德国为什么不情愿展示她的朋友们请求这个欧洲最大的经济体去展示的那种领导地位。在过去的几十年中，德国之于“唯一罪孽”的回答始终就是，集中精力搞经济，用欧洲的旗帜遮挡住自己。“The Sleepwalkers”, a book by Christopher Clark an Australian-born historian at Britains Cambridge University, on the ori

5、gins of the first world war, has been an unexpected success in Germany, partly because it reassesses the question of war guilt. “There is no smoking gun in this story; or, rather, there is one in the hands of every major character,” it concludes. “Viewed in this light, the outbreak of war was a trag

6、edy, not a crime.” The point has been made by others, not least German writers. But in a country where guilt was branded most deeply on public consciousness by a German historian, Fritz Fischer, with his 1961 book “Griff nach der Weltmacht” (“Bid for World Power”), it takes a foreigner to try to eff

7、ace it.作为一本探讨有关一战起源的书，由奥地利出生的英国剑桥大学历史学家克里斯托弗克拉克撰写的梦游人，最近一段时间，在德国获得了意想不到的成功。究其原因，部分是因为这本书再次触及到了“战争罪行”这个问题。“在这个故事中，无所谓冒烟的枪。要说有，但凡是主要人物，每人手中都有一把，”该书在结尾处这样写道，“由是观之，战争之爆发是一个悲剧，而不是一种罪行。”这一观点一直是由其他人做出的，基本上没有德国作家这样说。但是，在这样一个罪孽已经因德国历史学家弗里茨费舍尔在1961年出版的争雄世界一书而深深地铭刻在公众意识中的国家，抹掉这一烙印的尝试却需要一个外国人去完成。Europe in 1914

8、was a continent enjoying the fruits of the first burst of globalisation, similar in some ways to Europe in 2014, except that today no alliance blocs are at daggers drawn and no parvenu power is demanding a place in the sun. Germany is at peace, united and prosperous. Instead of being encircled by fo

9、es, it is surrounded by friends. Germany has become the European Unions dominant force and, despite some grumbling, no other state seriously tries to counterbalance its power. Many old enemies, especially in central and eastern Europe, want closer ties.1914年的欧洲是一个正在享受着全球化第一波果实的大陆，这同2014年的欧洲有许多相似之处。只

10、是，今天的欧洲已经不存在剑拔弩张的敌对盟国，没有了正在争霸的新晋大国。如今的德国，和平、统一、富庶。不再为仇敌包围，身边都是朋友。德国已成为欧盟的主导力量。尽管有牢骚，但是没有一个国家试图去制衡这个国家的势力。众多的世代仇敌，特别是中东欧那些国家，都在想办法拉近与德国的关系。And yet there is some foreboding that such bliss may not last. An ageing population will be a drag on growth. The euro crisis is in abeyance, not at an end. The E

11、uropean project faces a popular backlash. And although Germanys neighbours are friends, they are surrounded by dictators and foes, and much violent instability from Ukraine to Gaza and beyond. Some Germans earnestly wonder whether they might again be drawn into war.尽管如此，仍有征兆显示，这样的狂欢可能不会持久。人口的老龄化会拖累增

12、长。欧元危机只是暂时平息，并不是已经终结。欧洲的融合面临大众的抵制。同时，尽管德国的周边都是朋友，但是他们却被独裁者和敌人所包围，更不用提从乌克兰到加沙甚至是加沙还要远的地方的极端暴力不稳定。一些德国人发自内心地想知道，他们是否会再一次被托进战争之中。Frank-Walter Steinmeier, the German foreign minister, draws two lessons from 1914. One is the importance of the EU, which preserves the peace, manages disputes and ensures th

13、at countries live by the rule of law, not by the sword. Another is that Europe must not allow another failure of diplomacy in which escalation leads to catastrophe. In Ukraine, that means seeking a political deal with Russia. Even as sanctions increase, says Mr Steinmeier, Europe must always be prep

14、ared to “pull back”.德国外长弗兰克-瓦尔特施泰因迈尔从1914年总结出两个教训。一是维护和平的欧盟的重要性。这样的不仅能处理争端，还能确保各国依靠法治而不是依靠武力来相处。二是，欧洲必须不能容忍再一次的外交失败。这样失败，会导致局紧张升级，进而带来灾难。就乌克兰问题而言，这意味着要想法设法同俄罗斯达成政治协议。施泰因迈尔说，即便制裁加重，欧洲也必须时刻做好准备，以便“抽身而退”。To some of Germanys friends, such thinking stirs memories of the second world war. For America and

15、Britain radical ethno-nationalism must be confronted firmly, not appeased as Chamberlain did with Hitler in Munich in 1938; for Poland and the Baltic states, deals with Russia raise fears of betrayal, akin to the Molotov-Ribbentrop pact that carved up eastern Europe in 1939.在德国的一些朋友看来，这样的想法唤起的是第二次世界

16、大战的回忆。对美国和英国来说，激进的排斥少数民族的民族主义是必须要坚定地面对的，不能像张伯伦在1938年在慕尼黑姑息希特勒那样去纵容这种行为。就波兰和波罗的海各国而言，与俄罗斯的各种协议所带来的是对于背叛的担忧，这种担忧就是1939年达成的瓜分东欧的莫洛托夫里宾特洛甫条约曾带来的那种担忧的翻版。The new German question新的德国问题European integration has been, at its heart, an attempt to deal with the age-old German question: tame German power and har

17、ness it to propel Europes economy. For decades Germany willingly sat in the engine-room, and France in the driving seat. Such roles were bound to change with the unification of Germany in 1990. Yet the transformation, when it came, took place surprisingly fast.欧洲的融合，说到底，是一种尝试，为的是解决那个由来已久的德国问题，即驯服德国的

18、力量，并利用它去推动欧洲的经济。几十年以来，德国心甘情愿地坐在轮机仓中，而法国却坐在驾驶座上。这两种角色注定会随着1990年的德国统一而改变。不过，当这种角色互换发生时，其速度之快，令人吃惊。The euro, far from tying Germany down, hastened its rise. Having lived through the hyperinflation of 1923 Germany long maintained a strong currency and low inflation, so it knows better than many others h

19、ow to preserve its competitiveness within the euro zone. When the euro zones debt crisis erupted in full in 2010, Germany had the deepest pockets, and could therefore set the terms for bail-outs and reform.欧元，远未能束缚住德国的手脚，反而是加快了她的崛起。由于经历过1923年的超级通胀，长期以来，德国维持了强势的货币和低水平的通胀。因此，她比许多国家更了解如何维持其在欧元区内的竞争力。当欧

20、元区在2010年的秋天爆发债务危机时，德国拥有最雄厚的财力，因而能够为救助和改革设置条件。Another reason Germany stands out is that it has no real partners: France is politically paralysed, Britain is walking away and Italy is overburdened by debt. It helps that in Angela Merkel, Germany has a respected chancellor. There is a general acquiesce

21、nce in German power that has much to do with the fact that it is unthreatening; Germanys hegemony was, for the most part, undesired and something of a surprise to Germans themselves.德国一骑绝尘的另一个原因是没有真正的伙伴。这是因为，法国，已经在政治上瘫痪；英国，正在离欧盟而去；意大利，被债务压得喘不过气来。这为安格拉默克尔提供了便利条件，为德国拥有一位受人尊敬的总理出了一把力。对德国实力的共识同德国不具有威胁性这

22、一事实有着很大的关系。德国的盟主地位，从很大程度上来讲，是这个国家不想要的。对此，就连德国人自己也感到吃惊。For this columnist, preparing to leave Brussels after chronicling Europes woes for four years, and having criticised Germanys mistakes (for instance, in pushing austerity too hard), it is hard not to admire its industriousness, its readiness to e

23、xamine its soul and its quest for consensus. On the streets of Berlin, the sight of Stolpersteine, the discreet little brass cobbles at the entrance to buildings, bearing the names of former residents killed by the Nazis, is among the most powerful gestures of remembrance and contrition.在过去的四年中，我一直着

24、做着记录欧洲危机的工作，并且一直在批评德国的错误（如推行过于苛刻的紧缩政策）。如今，我已准备离开布鲁塞尔。此时此刻，再不对德国人的兢兢业业、时刻准备着自我反省以及对达成一致的追求表示崇敬，这是说不过去的。走在柏林的大街上，你可以看到，在一些建筑物入口处，都有一块圆形的小铜牌，上面刻着被纳粹杀死的前住户名字。这可以说是对纪念和忏悔的最有力的表示。Reluctantly, Germany in Europe has become a bit like America in the world, the indispensable power. It is too big, too successf

25、ul, to be left on the sidelines. The danger of Russia must be confronted. The euro zone must not be left to fester, and the EU must be reformed so it does not break up. The relationship with America must be prevented from fraying over allegations of spying, and rekindled with a big trade deal.现在的德国之

26、于欧洲，已经变得类似与美国之于世界的那种角色了。但是，这种“不可或缺的大国”的角色是德国不情愿扮演的。这种角色太大，太成功，不可能让自己置身事外。俄罗斯的危险总得有人去面对。欧元区的腐烂不能就这样听之任之。欧盟的改革还得进行，这样才不至于让其解体。在与美国的关系上，既要被动地防止它因为间谍指控而有所磨损，另一方面还得要用一个大的贸易协定让其复燃。Having acknowledged its guilt for past aggression, Germany is in danger of committing the opposite sin, inaction. Peace is not

27、 just the absence of war, but the defence of hard-won freedom. Many of those who call for “normalisation” argue that Germany must assert its interests. Actually, the burden is even greater: it now has to pursue the interests of all of Europe.鉴于对过去侵略罪行的认识，现在这个德国的危险是，她正在犯下相反的罪孽不作为。和平不仅仅是没有战争，更是对得之不易的自

28、由的保护。在呼吁“正常化”的人当中，许多人指出，德国必须申明自己的利益。实际上，德国肩上的担子比这个还要重大。也就是说，如今，她还得为整个欧洲谋利。Logistics物流The flow of things货物流动For an export superpower, China suffers from surprisingly inefficient logistics作为出口大国，中国的物流效率之低令人吃惊Jul 12th 2014 | SHANGHAI AND SUZHOU | From the print editionTWO examples of the infrastructure

29、 that has helped make China a mighty trading power can be found on the outskirts of Shanghai: Yangshan, the worlds busiest container port, and Pudong airport, the worlds third-biggest handler of air cargo. Radiating out across the country are more than 100,000km (62,000 miles) of expressways and a c

30、omparable length of railways. Given all this new infrastructure, you might expect China to have a world-class logistics industry, too. It does not. Logistics covers transportation, warehousing and the management of goods. Its Chinese translation, wu liu, literally means “the flow of things”. But tha

31、t flow within the country is costly and cumbersome. Much of the investment in infrastructure has gone to lubricate exports. Now, as Chinas government shifts its focus to consumption at home it is finding that the domestic logistics industry is woefully inefficient.基础设施建设促使中国成为一个巨大的贸易强国。位于上海市效的两个例子能说

32、明这一点。一个是世界最繁忙集装箱码头洋山港。一个是世界第三大空运货物基地浦东机场。辐射全国的高速公路超过10万公里以及相同长度的铁路网。有了这些基础设施，可能会觉得中国物流产业也应该是世界级的。结果是否定的。物流包括运输，仓储和货物的管理。中文物流字面的意思为货物的流动。但在中国国内，物货流动成本高，且手续繁琐，基础设施的投入流向利润较高的出口行业。如今，当中国政府将目标转向国内消费时，发现国内物流产业效率十分低下。Logistics spending is roughly equivalent to 18% of GDP, higher than in other developing countries (India and South Africa spend 13-14% of GDP) and double the level seen in the developed world. Li Keqiang, the prime minister, recently echoed industrys complaints that sending goods from Shanghai to B