Truth and Tolerance in America.docx

1、Truth and Tolerance in AmericaTruth and Tolerance in Americathank you very much professor kombay for that generous introduction. and let me say, that i never expected to hear such kind words from dr. falwell. so in return, i have an invitation of my own. on january 20th, 1985, i hope dr. falwell wil

2、l say a prayer at the inauguration of the next democratic president of the united states. now, dr. falwell, im not exactly sure how you feel about that. you might not appreciate the president, but the democrats certainly would appreciate the prayer.actually, a number of people in washington were sur

3、prised that i was invited to speak here - and even more surprised when i accepted the invitation. they seem to think that its easier for a camel to pass through the eye of the needle than for a kennedy to come to the campus of liberty baptist college. in honor of our meeting, i have asked dr. falwel

4、l, as your chancellor, to permit all the students an extra hour next saturday night before curfew. and in return, i have promised to watch the old time gospel hour next sunday morning.i realize that my visit may be a little controversial. but as many of you have heard, dr. falwell recently sent me a

5、 membership in the moral majority - and i didnt even apply for it. and i wonder if that means that im a member in good standing.falwell: somewhatsomewhat, he says.this is, of course, a nonpolitical speech which is probably best under the circumstances. since i am not a candidate for president, it wo

6、uld certainly be inappropriate to ask for your support in this election and probably inaccurate to thank you for it in the last one.i have come here to discuss my beliefs about faith and country, tolerance and truth in america. i know we begin with certain disagreements; i strongly suspect that at t

7、he end of the evening some of our disagreements will remain. but i also hope that tonight and in the months and years ahead, we will always respect the right of others to differ, that we will never lose sight of our own fallibility, that we will view ourselves with a sense of perspective and a sense

8、 of humor. after all, in the new testament, even the disciples had to be taught to look first to the beam in their own eyes, and only then to the mote in their neighbors eyes.i am mindful of that counsel. i am an american and a catholic; i love my country and treasure my faith. but i do not assume t

9、hat my conception of patriotism or policy is invariably correct, or that my convictions about religion should command any greater respect than any other faith in this pluralistic society. i believe there surely is such a thing as truth, but who among us can claim a monopoly on it?there are those who

10、 do, and their own words testify to their intolerance. for example, because the moral majority has worked with members of different denomination, one fundamentalist group has denounced dr. jerry falwell for hastening the ecumenical church and for yoking together with roman catholics, mormons, and ot

11、hers. i am relieved that dr. falwell does not regard that as a sin, and on this issue, he himself has become the target of narrow prejudice. when people agree on public policy, they ought to be able to work together, even while they worship in diverse ways. for truly we are all yoked together as ame

12、ricans, and the yoke is the happy one of individual freedom and mutual respect.but in saying that, we cannot and should not turn aside from a deeper and more pressing question - which is whether and how religion should influence government. a generation ago, a presidential candidate had to prove his

13、 independence of undue religious influence in public life, and he had to do so partly at the insistence of evangelical protestants. john kennedy said at that time: i believe in an america where there is no religious bloc voting of any kind. only twenty years later, another candidate was appealing to

14、 an evangelical meeting as a religious bloc. ronald reagan said to 15 thousand evangelicals at the roundtable in dallas: i know that you cant endorse me. i want you to know i endorse you and what you are doing.to many americans, that pledge was a sign and a symbol of a dangerous breakdown in the sep

15、aration of church and state. yet this principle, as vital as it is, is not a simplistic and rigid command. separation of church and state cannot mean an absolute separation between moral principles and political power. the challenge today is to recall the origin of the principle, to define its purpo

16、se, and refine its application to the politics of the present.the founders of our nation had long and bitter experience with the state, as both the agent and the adversary of particular religious views. in colonial maryland, catholics paid a double land tax, and in pennsylvania they had to list thei

17、r names on a public roll - an ominous precursor of the first nazi laws against the jews. and jews in turn faced discrimination in all of the thirteen original colonies. massachusetts exiled roger williams and his congregation for contending that civil government had no right to enforce the ten comma

18、ndments. virginia harassed baptist teachers, and also established a religious test for public service, writing into the law that no popish followers could hold any office.but during the revolution, catholics, jews, and non-conformists all rallied to the cause and fought valiantly for the american co

19、mmonwealth - for john winthrops city upon a hill. afterwards, when the constitution was ratified and then amended, the framers gave freedom for all religion, and from any established religion, the very first place in the bill of rights.indeed the framers themselves professed very different faiths: w

20、ashington was an episcopalian, jefferson a deist, and adams a calvinist. and although he had earlier opposed toleration, john adams later contributed to the building of catholic churches, and so did george washington. thomas jefferson said his proudest achievement was not the presidency, or the writ

21、ing the declaration of independence, but drafting the virginia statute of religious freedom. he stated the vision of the first americans and the first amendment very clearly: the god who gave us life gave us liberty at the same time.the separation of church and state can sometimes be frustrating for

22、 women and men of religious faith. they may be tempted to misuse government in order to impose a value which they cannot persuade others to accept. but once we succumb to that temptation, we step onto a slippery slope where everyones freedom is at risk. those who favor censorship should recall that

23、one of the first books ever burned was the first english translation of the bible. as president eisenhower warned in 1953, dont join the book burners.the right to say ideas, the right to record them, and the right to have them accessible to others is unquestioned - or this isnt america. and if that

24、right is denied, at some future day the torch can be turned against any other book or any other belief. let us never forget: todays moral majority could become tomorrows persecuted minority.the danger is as great now as when the founders of the nation first saw it. in 1789, their fear was of faction

25、al strife among dozens of denominations. today there are hundreds - and perhaps even thousands of faiths - and millions of americans who are outside any fold. pluralism obviously does not and cannot mean that all of them are right; but it does mean that there are areas where government cannot and sh

26、ould not decide what it is wrong to believe, to think, to read, and to do. as professor larry tribe, one of the nations leading constitutional scholars has written, law in a non-theocratic state cannot measure religious truth, nor can the state impose it.the real transgression occurs when religion w

27、ants government to tell citizens how to live uniquely personal parts of their lives. the failure of prohibition proves the futility of such an attempt when a majority or even a substantial minority happens to disagree. some questions may be inherently individual ones, or people may be sharply divide

28、d about whether they are. in such cases, like prohibition and abortion, the proper role of religion is to appeal to the conscience of the individual, not the coercive power of the state.but there are other questions which are inherently public in nature, which we must decide together as a nation, an

29、d where religion and religious values can and should speak to our common conscience. the issue of nuclear war is a compelling example. it is a moral issue; it will be decided by government, not by each individual; and to give any effect to the moral values of their creed, people of faith must speak

30、directly about public policy. the catholic bishops and the reverend billy graham have every right to stand for the nuclear freeze, and dr. falwell has every right to stand against it.there must be standards for the exercise of such leadership, so that the obligations of belief will not be debased in

31、to an opportunity for mere political advantage. but to take a stand at all when a question is both properly public and truly moral is to stand in a long and honored tradition. many of the great evangelists of the 1800s were in the forefront of the abolitionist movement. in our own time, the reverend

32、 william sloane coffin challenged the morality of the war in vietnam. pope john xxiii renewed the gospels call to social justice. and dr. martin luther king, jr. who was the greatest prophet of this century, awakened our nation and its conscience to the evil of racial segregation.their words have blessed our world. and who now wishes they had been silent? who would bid pope john paul ii to quiet his voice against the oppression in eastern europe, the violence in central america, or the crying needs of the landless, the hungry, and those who are tortured in so many of the dark