奥巴马离职演讲中英文.docx

1、奥巴马离职演讲中英文英文原文Its good to be home. My fellow Americans, Michelle and I have been so touched by all the well-wishes weve received over the past few weeks. But tonight its my turn to say thanks. Whether weve seen eye-to-eye or rarely agreed at all, my conversations with you, the American people in liv

2、ing rooms and schools; at farms and on factory floors; at diners and on distant outposts are what have kept me honest, kept me inspired, and kept me going. Every day, I learned from you. You made me a better President, and you made me a better man.I first came to Chicago when I was in my early twent

3、ies, still trying to figure out who I was; still searching for a purpose to my life. It was in neighborhoods not far from here where I began working with church groups in the shadows of closed steel mills. It was on these streets where I witnessed the power of faith, and the quiet dignity of working

4、 people in the face of struggle and loss. This is where I learned that change only happens when ordinary people get involved, get engaged, and come together to demand it.After eight years as your President, I still believe that. And its not just my belief. Its the beating heart of our American idea

5、our bold experiment in self-government.Its the conviction that we are all created equal, endowed by our Creator with certain unalienable rights, among them life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness.Its the insistence that these rights, while self-evident, have never been self-executing; that We, t

6、he People, through the instrument of our democracy, can form a more perfect union.This is the great gift our Founders gave us. The freedom to chase our individual dreams through our sweat, toil, and imagination and the imperative to strive together as well, to achieve a greater good.For 240 years, o

7、ur nations call to citizenship has given work and purpose to each new generation. Its what led patriots to choose republic over tyranny, pioneers to trek west, slaves to brave that makeshift railroad to freedom. Its what pulled immigrants and refugees across oceans and the Rio Grande, pushed women t

8、o reach for the ballot, powered workers to organize. Its why GIs gave their lives at Omaha Beach and Iwo Jima; Iraq and Afghanistan and why men and women from Selma to Stonewall were prepared to give theirs as well.So thats what we mean when we say America is exceptional. Not that our nation has bee

9、n flawless from the start, but that we have shown the capacity to change, and make life better for those who follow.For white Americans, it means acknowledging that the effects of slavery and Jim Crow didnt suddenly vanish in the 60s; that when minority groups voice discontent, theyre not just engag

10、ing in reverse racism or practicing political correctness; that when they wage peaceful protest, theyre not demanding special treatment, but the equal treatment our Founders promised.For native-born Americans, it means reminding ourselves that the stereotypes about immigrants today were said, almost

11、 word for word, about the Irish, Italians, and Poles. America wasnt weakened by the presence of these newcomers; they embraced this nations creed, and it was strengthened. So regardless of the station we occupy; we have to try harder; to start with the premise that each of our fellow citizens loves

12、this country just as much as we do; that they value hard work and family like we do; that their children are just as curious and hopeful and worthy of love as our own.None of this is easy. For too many of us, its become safer to retreat into our own bubbles, whether in our neighborhoods or college c

13、ampuses or places of worship or our social media feeds, surrounded by people who look like us and share the same political outlook and never challenge our assumptions. The rise of naked partisanship, increasing economic and regional stratification, the splintering of our media into a channel for eve

14、ry taste all this makes this great sorting seem natural, even inevitable. And increasingly, we become so secure in our bubbles that we accept only information, whether true or not, that fits our opinions, instead of basing our opinions on the evidence thats out there.This trend represents a third th

15、reat to our democracy. Politics is a battle of ideas; in the course of a healthy debate, well prioritize different goals, and the different means of reaching them. But without some common baseline of facts; without a willingness to admit new information, and concede that your opponent is making a fa

16、ir point, and that science and reason matter, well keep talking past each other, making common ground and compromise impossible.Isnt that part of what makes politics so dispiriting? How can elected officials rage about deficits when we propose to spend money on preschool for kids, but not when were

17、cutting taxes for corporations? How do we excuse ethical lapses in our own party, but pounce when the other party does the same thing? Its not just dishonest, this selective sorting of the facts; its self-defeating. Because as my mother used to tell me, reality has a way of catching up with you.Take

18、 the challenge of climate change. In just eight years, weve halved our dependence on foreign oil, doubled our renewable energy, and led the world to an agreement that has the promise to save this planet. But without bolder action, our children wont have time to debate the existence of climate change

19、; theyll be busy dealing with its effects: environmental disasters, economic disruptions, and waves of climate refugees seeking sanctuary.Now, we can and should argue about the best approach to the problem. But to simply deny the problem not only betrays future generations; it betrays the essential

20、spirit of innovation and practical problem-solving that guided our Founders.Its that spirit, born of the Enlightenment, that made us an economic powerhouse the spirit that took flight at Kitty Hawk and Cape Canaveral; the spirit that that cures disease and put a computer in every pocket.Its that spi

21、rit a faith in reason, and enterprise, and the primacy of right over might, that allowed us to resist the lure of fascism and tyranny during the Great Depression, and build a post-World War II order with other democracies, an order based not just on military power or national affiliations but on pri

22、nciples the rule of law, human rights, freedoms of religion, speech, assembly, and an independent press.That order is now being challenged first by violent fanatics who claim to speak for Islam; more recently by autocrats in foreign capitals who see free markets, open democracies, and civil society

23、itself as a threat to their power. The peril each poses to our democracy is more far-reaching than a car bomb or a missile. It represents the fear of change; the fear of people who look or speak or pray differently; a contempt for the rule of law that holds leaders accountable; an intolerance of dis

24、sent and free thought; a belief that the sword or the gun or the bomb or propaganda machine is the ultimate arbiter of whats true and whats right.Because of the extraordinary courage of our men and women in uniform, and the intelligence officers, law enforcement, and diplomats who support them, no f

25、oreign terrorist organization has successfully planned and executed an attack on our homeland these past eight years; and although Boston and Orlando remind us of how dangerous radicalization can be, our law enforcement agencies are more effective and vigilant than ever. Weve taken out tens of thous

26、ands of terrorists including Osama bin Laden. The global coalition were leading against ISIL has taken out their leaders, and taken away about half their territory. ISIL will be destroyed, and no one who threatens America will ever be safe. To all who serve, it has been the honor of my lifetime to b

27、e your Commander-in-Chief.But protecting our way of life requires more than our military. Democracy can buckle when we give in to fear. So just as we, as citizens, must remain vigilant against external aggression, we must guard against a weakening of the values that make us who we are. Thats why, fo

28、r the past eight years, Ive worked to put the fight against terrorism on a firm legal footing. Thats why weve ended torture, worked to close Gitmo, and reform our laws governing surveillance to protect privacy and civil liberties. Thats why I reject discrimination against Muslim Americans. Thats why

29、 we cannot withdraw from global fights to expand democracy, and human rights, womens rights, and LGBT rights no matter how imperfect our efforts, no matter how expedient ignoring such values may seem. For the fight against extremism and intolerance and sectarianism are of a piece with the fight agai

30、nst authoritarianism and nationalist aggression. If the scope of freedom and respect for the rule of law shrinks around the world, the likelihood of war within and between nations increases, and our own freedoms will eventually be threatened.So lets be vigilant, but not afraid. ISIL will try to kill

31、 innocent people. But they cannot defeat America unless we betray our Constitution and our principles in the fight. Rivals like Russia or China cannot match our influence around the world unless we give up what we stand for, and turn ourselves into just another big country that bullies smaller neigh

32、bors. Which brings me to my final point our democracy is threatened whenever we take it for granted. All of us, regardless of party, should throw ourselves into the task of rebuilding our democratic institutions. When voting rates are some of the lowest among advanced democracies, we should make it easier, not harder, to vote. When trust in our institutions is low, we should reduce the corrosive influence of money in our politics, and insist on the principles of transparency and ethics in public service. When Congress is dysfunctional, we should draw our districts to enco