研究生英语阅读教程基础级2版课文10及其翻译.docx

1、研究生英语阅读教程基础级2版课文10及其翻译American Values at the Crossroads1 Faced with the rapid change and the fear and uncertainty that go with it, individuals (citizens) as well as (and) nation sometimes seek to return to the ways of the past as a solution. In the early 1980s the idea of returning to the ways of th

2、e past had a strong appeal to (attraction) many Americans who increasingly viewed their past as being better than their future. It has been observed that until the 1970s Americans generally believed that the present was a better time for their country than the past and that the future would better t

3、han the present; by 1978, however, public opinion polls showed that many Americans had come to believe that just the opposite was true: the past had been better for the country than the present, and the present was better than the future would be.2 The popular (present) appeal (desire) of returning

4、to the ways (styles) of the past as a solution (solve-solution) to the problems of the 1980s was demonstrated (shown) when Ronald Reagan was elected President of the United States in 1980. Time magazine chose President Reagan as its man of the year and said of (commented) him: intellectually, emotio

5、nally, Reagan lives in the past.3 One of President Reagans basic beliefs is that the United States should return as much as possible to its pre-1930 ways. In those times business institutions (organization) were strong and government institutions were weak. Reagan believed that American values of in

6、dividual freedom and competition are strengthened by business and weakened by government. Therefore, his programs (goal/ objectives) as President have been designed to greatly strengthen business and reduce the size and power of the national government. By moving in this way toward the practices of

7、the past, President Reagan believed that the standard of living of Americans would begin to improve once more (again) in the 1980s as it had done throughout most of the nations history.4 A number of leaders in politics, education, and the professions take a different approach (method) than does Pres

8、ident Reagan. They believe that the nation must adopt (use/ make use of) new values to go along with (together with) the old values and that it must be prepared to make some changes in the old values when (it is) necessary.5 What new values should be adopted? This is a very difficult question to ans

9、wer. However, it became clear in the 1970s that there was no longer an abundance of cheap energy and that shortages of other essential (basic/most important) resources such as water were becoming more serious. These facts suggested (show) to many Americans that a greater value (should) be placed on

10、the conservation of national resources, that is (namely/ i.e.), that Americans should save more of these resources by learning to use less and waste less.6 Conservation has never been a strong American value. Because of the vast resources and space of North America, Americans came to believe that ab

11、undance was endless (unlimited). In such an environment, there seemed to be little need for conservation of resources. After World War II Americans believed that their modern technology could work (create) wonders and provide a never-ending increase in their standard of living. It is not surprising,

12、 therefore, that in the United States before the 1980s, conservation had little importance (when it is) compared with such other values as freedom, equality of opportunity, hard work, and the accumulation of material wealth.7 There is some evidence that the experience of greater shortages of energy

13、during the 1970s caused Americans to place more emphasis on conservation. For example, a poll (survey) taken at the end of the decade showed that 66% of Americans agreed with the statement: Im not unhappy about the possibility of shortages because I know it will encourage (urge) me to use everything

14、 efficiently and not wastefully.8 Some people, however, believe that poll results like these reveal only part of the truth. Although Americans may agree with statements supporting the value of conservation, most of them are not yet applying these beliefs in their day-to-day (daily) actions (life).9

15、Belief in conservation, therefore, is still weak (when it is) compared with other American beliefs. It can become stronger only as (when) Americans see the need for it more and more clearly. Conservation may well be (become) a new value which needs to be added to the old basic values in order to hel

16、p the United States deal with its future problems.10 A second belief which has never been strong among the American people is the belief that the value of cooperation on a national scale to achieve some important national (goal) objectives. The American idea of the national good (n./ benefit/ intere

17、st) has never been based on national cooperation but rather on the freedom of the individual. Americans, therefore, tend to think of the national good in terms of maintaining (keeping) those conditions that provide the greatest freedom for the individual. They believe that a nation of free individua

18、ls will be naturally strong and prosperous. Planned efforts at national cooperation, therefore, are not needed. More important, planned efforts at national cooperation would mean increasing the powers of the national government, which would endanger the freedom of the individual.11 The American valu

19、e of competition also hinders the development of a spirit of national cooperation. Even though competitive activity is supposed to (=should) be conducted (directed/ done) according to fair rules (fair play), it does not encourage a spirit of cooperation. Rather (instead/ On the contrary), it sometim

20、es encourages a spirit of mutual suspicion (suspect) of the motives (purpose/ desire) of the others. A certain degree of trust in the motives of others is necessary for the success of efforts in national cooperation.12 In time of war Americans have temporarily put aside their dislike of planned nati

21、onal cooperation. They have been willing to cooperate and make personal sacrifices under the direction (=leadership) of the national government to bring the war to satisfactory conclusion (=end). In peacetime, however, planned national cooperation is strongly resisted as a threat to individual freed

22、om.13 The almost (nearly) unique American historical experience gives us a deeper understanding of this attitude. Almost every nation in the world has had, or still has, the experience of being ruled by kings, emperors, dictators, or a hereditary class of aristocrats. Such rulers are not elected by

23、the free votes of the people and they have the power to say what the national good is and to force their people to cooperate if they cannot persuade them to do so. Out of (among) these experiences there have developed traditions and habits of cooperation, sometimes for good purposes and sometimes fo

24、r evil (bad/ wrong) purposes.14 Americans have never had the experience of being forced to cooperate on a national scale by nonelected rulers. For a time, they were the colonists of Great Britain and were legally (bind) bound to obey rulers in England whom they did not elect, but the British governm

25、ent allowed the colonists a great deal of freedom and self-government by the standards of the day. Still (Furthermore) the American colonists were not long (soon) in demanding (requiring) more freedom and self-government, and finally declaring their independence in 1776. From the time of their indep

26、endence, Americans have freely elected their rulers. The experience of being compelled to cooperate by unelected national leaders is completely foreign (strange) to their experience. They are fearful (=fear) that any scheme (plan) of national cooperation in peacetime will weaken or destroy their fre

27、edoms.15 Americans have always viewed (considered/ regarded) cooperation as important in small groups such as the family, the neighborhood, or the church. But on the large national scale where government becomes involved, it is seen (considered/ regarded) as coercive and destructive rather than volu

28、ntary and constructive. American tend to associate the greatness of their nation far more with such values as individual freedom, equality of opportunity, hard work, and competition than with national cooperation.16 Yet the demands (=needs) of the 1980s may compel (force) Americans to place (emphasi

29、ze) a greater value on national cooperation. It may well be that some of the problems facing them, such as scarcity of resources and the dangers of air and water pollution, cannot be solved without a greater degree of national cooperation.17 If Americans choose (=decide) to give more emphasis to nat

30、ional cooperation, they will probably be very cautious about it. In order to protect their freedoms, they will move slowly in a step-by-step, problem-by-problem fashion (way), rather than accept a sweeping new plan involving dramatic change. Because of their tradition of self-government, they will p

31、robably insist on (persist in doing sth.) a good deal of public discussion before any step toward national cooperation is taken.18 Some observers believe that this slow, cautious approach may be too weak and too timid to meet the challenges of the future. Americans, however, believe that sudden revo

32、lutionary changes made in the name of (in the honor) the national good usually result in (lead to) dictatorships in which freedom is lost and problems remain unsolved.19 In the 1980s Americans may have arrived at a critical point in their nations history, where major dangers must be faced and major

33、choices must be made. On the one hand, they will wish to avoid the risk of making too many changes in the basic values which have inspired (encouraged) them in the past. On the other hand, they must avoid what may be the greater risk of refusing to change their values at all even though conditions are changing