1、You hear that you shouldnt take all these photos and interrupt the experience, and its bad for you, and were not living in the present moment, says Kristin Diehl, associate professor of marketing at the University of Southern California Marshall School of Business.Diehl and her fellow researchers wa
2、nted to find out if that was true, so they embarked on a series of nine experiments in the lab and in the field testing peoples enjoyment in the presence or absence of a camera. The results, published in the Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, surprised them. Taking photos actually makes p
3、eople enjoy what theyre doing more, not less. What we find is you actually look at the world slightly differently, because youre looking for things you want to capture, that you may want to hang onto, Diehl explains. That gets people more engaged in the experience, and they tend to enjoy it more. Ta
4、ke sightseeing. In one experiment, nearly 200 participants boarded a double-decker bus for a tour of Philadelphia. Both bus tours forbade the use of cell phones but one tour provided digital cameras and encouraged people to take photos. The people who took photos enjoyed the experience significantly
5、 more, and said they were more engaged, than those who didnt.Snapping a photo directs attention, which heightens the pleasure you get from whatever youre looking at, Diehl says. It works for things as boring as archaeological (考古的) museums, where people were given eye-tracking glasses and instructed
6、 either to take photos or not. People look longer at things they want to photograph, Diehl says. They report liking the exhibits more, too.To the relief of Instagrammers (Instagram用户) everywhere, it can even make meals more enjoyable. When people were encouraged to take at least three photos while t
7、hey ate lunch, they were more immersed in their meals than those who werent told to take photos.Was it the satisfying click of the camera? The physical act of the snap? No, they found: just the act of planning to take a photoand not actually taking ithad the same joy-boosting effect. If you want to
8、take mental photos, that works the same way, Diehl says. Thinking about what you would want to photograph also gets you more engaged. 51.What does the author say about photo-taking in the past?A) It was a painstaking effort for recording lifes major events.B) It was a luxury that only a few wealthy
9、people could enjoy.C) It was a good way to preserve ones precious images.D) It was a skill that required lots of practice to master.52.Kristin Diehl conducted a series of experiments on photo-taking to find out _ . A) what kind of pleasure it would actually bring to photo-takersB) whether people enj
10、oyed it when they did sightseeingC) how it could help to enrich people s life experiencesD) whether it prevented people enjoying what they were doing53.What do the results of Diehls experiments show about people taking pictures?A) They are distracted from what they are doing.B) They can better remem
11、ber what they see or do.C) They are more absorbed in what catches their eye.D) They can have a better understanding of the world.54.What is found about museum visitors with the aid of eye-tracking glasses?A) They come out with better photographs of the exhibits.B) They focus more on the exhibits whe
12、n taking pictures.C) They have a better view of what are on display.D) They follow the historical events more easily.55.What do we learn from the last paragraph?A) It is better to make plans before taking photos.B) Mental photos can be as beautiful as snapshots.C) Photographers can derive great joy
13、from the click of the camera.D) Even the very thought of taking a photo can have a positive effect.Peer Pressure Has a Positive SideA Parents of teenagers often view their childrens friends with something like suspicion. They worry that the adolescent peer group has the power to push its members int
14、o behavior that is foolish and even dangerous. Such wariness is well founded: statistics show, for example, that a teenage driver with a same-age passenger in the car is at higher risk of a fatal crash than an adolescent driving alone or with an adult.B In a 2005 study, psychologist Laurence Steinbe
15、rg of Temple University and his co-author, psychologist Margo Gardner, then at Temple, divided 306 people into three age groups: young adolescents, with a mean age of 14; older adolescents, with a mean age of 19; and adults, aged 24 and older. Subjects played a computerized driving game in which the
16、 player must avoid crashing into a wall that materializes, without warning, on the roadway. Steinberg and Gardner randomly assigned some participants to play alone or with two same-age peers looking on.C Older adolescents scored about 50 percent higher on an index of risky driving when their peers w
17、ere in the roomand the driving of early adolescents was fully twice as reckless when other young teens were around. In contrast, adults behaved in similar ways regardless of whether they were on their own or observed by others. The presence of peers makes adolescents and youth, but not adults, more
18、likely to take risks, Steinberg and Gardner concluded.D Yet in the years following the publication of this study, Steinberg began to believe that this interpretation did not capture the whole picture. As he and other researchers examined the question of why teens were more apt to take risks in the c
19、ompany of other teenagers, they came to suspect that a crowd s influence need not always be negative. Now some experts are proposing that we should take advantage of the teen brains keen sensitivity to the presence of friends and leverage it to improve education.E In a 2011 study, Steinberg and his
20、colleagues turned to functional MRI (磁共振)to investigate how the presence of peers affects the activity in the adolescent brain. They scanned the brains of 40 teens and adults who were playing a virtual driving game designed to test whether players would brake at a yellow light or speed on through th
21、e crossroad.F The brains of teenagers, but not adults, showed greater activity in two regions associated with rewards when they were being observed by same-age peers than when alone. In other words, rewards are more intense for teens when they are with peers, which motivates them to pursue higher-ri
22、sk experiences that might bring a big payoff (such as the thrill of just making the light before it turns red). But Steinberg suspected this tendency could also have its advantages. In his latest experiment, published online in August, Steinberg and his colleagues used a computerized version of a ca
23、rd game called the Iowa Gambling Task to investigate how the presence of peers affects the way young people gather and apply information.G The results: Teens who played the Iowa Gambling Task under the eyes of fellow adolescents engaged in more exploratory behavior, learned faster from both positive
24、 and negative outcomes, and achieved better performance on the task than those who played in solitude. What our study suggests is that teenagers learn more quickly and more effectively when their peers are present than when they re on their own, Steinberg says. And this finding could have important
25、implications for how we think about educating adolescents.H Matthew D. Lieberman, a social cognitive neuroscientist at the University of California, Los Angeles, and author of the 2013 book Social: Why Our Brains Are Wired to Connect, suspects that the human brain is especially skillful at learning
26、socially significant information. He points to a classic 2004 study in which psychologists at Dartmouth College and Harvard University used functional MRI to track brain activity in 17 young men as they listened to descriptions of people while concentrating on either socially relevant cues (for exam
27、ple, trying to form an impression of a person based on the description) or more socially neutral information (such as noting the order of details in the description). The descriptions were the same in each condition, but people could better remember these statements when given a social motivation.I
28、The study also found that when subjects thought about and later recalled descriptions in terms of their informational content, regions associated with factual memory, such as the medial temporal lobe, became active. But thinking about or remembering descriptions in terms of their social meaning acti
29、vated the dorsomedial prefrontal cortexpart of the brains social networkeven as traditional memory regions registered low levels of activity. More recently, as he reported in a 2012 review, Lieberman has discovered that this region may be part of a distinct network involved in socially motivated lea
30、rning and memory. Such findings, he says, suggest that this network can be called on to process and store the kind of information taught in schoolpotentially giving students access to a range of untapped mental powers.J If humans are generally geared to recall details about one another, this pattern
31、 is probably even more powerful among teenagers who are very attentive to social details: who is in, who is out, who likes whom, who is mad at whom. Their desire for social drama is notor not onlya way of distracting themselves from their schoolwork or of driving adults crazy. It is actually a neurological (神经的) sensitivity, initiated by hormonal changes. Evolutionarily speaking, people in this age group are at a stage in which they can pre
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