旅游管理专业外文文献翻译中英文对照毕业论文管理资料Word格式文档下载.docx

1、调查结果显示了目前对旅游业容忍度，伴随着对日常生活干扰程度的日益增长的担忧以及一些关于旅游业创造就业机会和帮助保护胡同本质的能力的怀疑。根据关于地方识别的争论，调查对象区分胡同是作为一种建筑物集合还是一种社会实体。许多人注意到，建筑物和文物建筑保护并不等同于对一种生活方式的维护，但它是建筑遗产，吸引游览，旅游使建筑具有了商业价值，从而为今后的发展保留了原有的地方标记。定型数据表明，通过分区，旅游开发和维护社会形态之间可以出现折衷（Ryan & Gu, 2007）。首先是时间每日分区，游客在白天可以参观胡同，但是在傍晚或者深夜却不能。当然在一年中暖和的月份里，小巷成为当地百姓社会交往的中心。因此

2、，目前酒店建筑的相对缺失是保护胡同这一社会实体的方法和途径。其次，在冬季，旅游业有季节性地下降。因此，通过不断增长的对旅游业的忍耐度，以及为旅游业引起的压力提供喘息时间，时间分区从而加强了场所依恋。从更广泛的文献角度来看，研究表明了强烈的地方感和现存遗产通告如何对旅游业做出反应。在这种特定的情况下，胡同作为一种建筑和社会相互作用的特殊场所的理解比其作为一种经济收益来说更具影响。然而，由这些项目的结果分配引起了一个很重要的警告。在对未来旅游业发展的态度上，对经济影响的认知态度作为一种歧视变量的确发挥了重要作用。原因之一在于两个子群之间的差异，即一种差别部分基于年龄，第二种是对旅游业工作吸引力的感

3、知。在这个意义上说，一个对这种就业的吸引力的问题被证明是一个相关项目，对其他研究者而言除了问被调查者是否真地在本行业中就业才值得提问。如所建议的那样，年龄作为一个变量对地方依赖的性质作出如上概念化的理解有帮助。中国的年轻人，特别是在近几十年中，已经在迅速的经济和社会变革中社会化了，这些变革通常被认为是进步的。对他们而言，地方依附感不一定形成于物质匮乏的情境下或社会改革时期。实际上，变革可能是一个形成地方依附的先决条件，对变革而言地方依附是一种吸引力，而不是威胁。这些因素可能解释当数据运用到图4中的结构方程模型中估计拟合优度时的失败。同样，地方依附的讨论可以涉及到人格理论。凯利（Kelly 19

4、6，）指出年轻人采取的“消极主义的”角色中的集团期望和行为方式和预期的行为方式相反，但是结束了“使用和父母相同的维度系统”。因此，年青一代可能表达对胡同现状的不满，然而这个时期他们在北京的生活经历，生活经验经过了完全的变革。结果，对胡同变化和地方依附的感知可能产生模糊性和矛盾的声明。在没有报告的定性研究中，发现了不一致态度和偶尔关于积极和消极的详细描述的样本。例如，年轻人喜欢湖边餐馆晚上的气氛，但也可能埋怨没有能力支付在这里的消费从而享受“时尚”的地方依附，但是同样感觉部分排斥而不是在一种“角色的衣架”上。但是“等待”本身有利于使活动有夏天的感觉。如前文所述，重要的高层次原因有助于建筑遗产胡同

5、作为一种对地方依附强有力的贡献者展现，以及通过生活在特殊的地方产生的特殊感情。这个发现也出现在定性数据中，但也需要指出，认同效能和地方依恋在理解中国公共整治进程中是复杂的。也存在着这样的例子，一些被调查者清楚地陈述道到这些问题只和政府相关，而和他们无关。定量数据清楚地显现一些对未来的政策持保留意见。正如Worden、Savada和Dolan（1987），谢（2001），王（2003）以及范、Wall和Mitchell（即将出版的）等评论，中国社会里政府在旅游规划的作用过程中无处不在，从而在西方学术文献的理解中，可能潜在地使作为参与者自我形象的自我效能复杂化。作为旅游业对中国社区的影响评估的一部

6、分，希望未来关于地方依恋和地方认同的研究能够更清楚地考虑这个问题。在这个意义上说，今后的研究应寻求更具体明确的关系：（a）对当地政府所扮演角色的感知，（b）旅游业引起的变化和（c）Breakwell（1986，1992）提出的框架下的地方依恋和自我效能。简而言之，如本研究所涉及的那样，项目中存在着许多明显的限制和不足。问卷主要涉及旅游业引起的变化，胡同正在经历着变化，而北京也围绕它在变化。胡同和更为广泛的北京经济相联系，社会、经济和政治上变化的出现又不仅仅是由于旅游业的发展。这些不仅暗示着现有研究的失败，也暗示着以往文献的失败，因为只集中在由旅游引起的变化的研究没有将旅游业同可能出现的更为广泛

7、的社会经济变化相联系。Ryan和谷（2007）指出基于胡同的旅游业已经融入全球化过程当中，也有可能全球在地化。总之，本研究的原始构思可能是有限的，它非常注重评估居民对胡同的认同和对由旅游业引起的变化的反应。或许本研究应当置于一个更为广泛的框架内情境化，这在当代中国可能真的非常必要。因此，建议今后关于中国旅游业影响的研究应当考虑更为广泛的社会和经济问题。外文文献原文Place attachment, identity and community impacts of tourismthe case of a Beijing hutongHuimin Gu, Chris RyanIn terms

8、of destination development, the ndings represent the attitudes of residents towards tourism and place at a time when Shi Cha Hai hutong is moving from an involvement into consolidation stage of the tourism destination life cycle （., see Wang, 1997） and facing potential further tourism development pr

9、ior to the 2008 Beijing Olympic Games. The ndings show a current tolerance of tourism accompanied by a growing concern about levels of intrusion into daily life, and some skepticism about the ability of tourism to create jobs and help preserve the nature of the hutong. In terms of the debate about p

10、lace identication the respondents distinguish between the hutong as a collection of buildings and as a social entity. Many note that the preservation of buildings and built heritage does not equate to the maintenance of a way of life, yet it is the architectural heritage that attracts tourism, and t

11、ourism that gives commercial value to that architecture, thereby preserving the place markers for the future. The qualitative data show that a compromise between tourism development and the maintenance of social patterns emerges through zoning （Ryan & Gu, 2007）. First there is temporal daily zoning

12、when tourists may see the hutong during the day, but are largely absent during the evenings and nights and when, certainly in the warmer months of the year, the alleyways become a centre of social interaction for local people. Thus, the current comparative absence of hotel building is a means of pre

13、serving the hutong as a social entity. Second, there is seasonality when levels of tourism fall in winter. Temporal zoning thus aids place attachment by generating increased tolerance for tourism by providing periods of respite from the pressures induced by tourism. From the perspective of the wider

14、 literature, the study shows how a strong sense of place and living heritage informs responses to tourism. In this specic context, this understanding of the hutong as a special location of architecture and social interaction had more of an impact than the issue of economic gain. This is contrary to

15、many ndings derived from the English-speaking world and is shown by the low overall mean scores allocated to the items measuring economic impacts. Yet, there is an important caveat arising from the distribution of scores on these items. Attitudes toward economic impacts did play a signicant role as

16、a discriminating variable in attitudes towards further tourism development. One reason for this was the differences displayed between two sub-groups, namely a difference partly based upon age and second the perceived attractiveness of a job within the tourism industry. In that sense, the asking of a

17、 question about the attractiveness of such employment proved to be a pertinent item, and for other researchers it may well be worth asking this in addition to asking whether the respondent is actually employed in the industry. The importance of age as a variable has, it is suggested, something to do

18、 with the nature of place attachment as conceptualized above. Younger people, especially during recent decades in China, have been socialized at a period of rapid economic and social change where change is often deemed to be progress. For them, senses of place attachment are not necessarily formed i

19、n a context of lack of infrastructure change or social evolution. Indeed, change may be a pre-requisite of forming place attachment, for change is an attraction and not a threat. These considerations might account for the failure of the data to produce estimates of good t when applied to the structu

20、ral equation modelling of Fig. 4. Equally, the discussion of place attachment can be related to theories of personality. Kelly （1963, ） refers to group expectancies and the manner in which the young adopt negativistic roles to be contrary to expected behaviours but wind up using the very same dimens

21、ional system his （sic） parents use. Thus, the younger person may express dissatisfaction with the status quo of the hutong, yet within their life experience of Beijing at this date, their experiences have been wholly experiences of change. Consequently, perceptions of change of the hutong and place

22、attachments may well be expressed in statements of ambiguity and inconsistency. In the qualitative study not reported here, examples of inconsistent attitudes and at times careful delineations of positive and negatives were found. For example, younger people would enjoy the night atmosphere of resta

23、urants at the lakes, but might complain of an inability to spend money thereso thereby enjoying a place attachment of being fashionable but equally feel in part excluded other than in a hanger on role. But hanging on in itself contributes to the summer sense of activity.As noted above, the high leve

24、ls of importance attributed to the architectural heritage of the hutong emerges as a strong contributor to place attachment, and the sense of being special by living in a special place. This nding also emerged from the qualitative data, but it also needs to be stated that identity efcacy and place a

25、ttachment is complex in the understandings of Chinese communal political processes. Examples were found where some respondents clearly stated that these issues were only matters for the government, and not for them, and the quantitative data clearly showed that some had reservations about future pol

26、icy. As Worden, Savada, and Dolan, （1987）, Xie （2001）, Wang, （2003） and Fan, Wall and Mitchell （forthcoming） among others comment, in China the role of government in the planning processes of tourism is wholly pervasive, thereby potentially complicating the role of self-efcacy as a contributor to se

27、lf-image as understood in the western academic literature. Future research that wishes to engage in place attachment and place identity as part of an assessment of the impacts of tourism on Chinese communities may need to consider this more explicitly. In this sense, future research should seek to c

28、larify more specically the relationships: （a） perceptions of the role of local government, （b） change induced by tourism and （c） place attachment and self-efcacy within the framework suggested by Breakwell （1986, 1992）. In short, as this research project evolved, various limitations in the project b

29、ecame evident. Questions were primarily related to tourism-induced change, but the hutong is experiencing change as Beijing is also changing around it. The hutong is linked to the wider Beijing economy and the social, economic and political changes that are occurring are not solely due to tourism. T

30、his seems to imply a failing in not only the current research but also with past literature because by concentrating on tourism-induced change only research has failed to link tourism to the wider socio-economic changes that might also be occurring. Ryan and Gu （2007） argue that hutong-based tourism

31、 has become linked into a process of globalization, and possibly of glocalization too. In short, the original design of this research may be limited by the very focus it created on assessing resident identication with the hutong and reactions to tourism-induced change. Perhaps the project should have been contextualized within a wider framework, and this need may be particularly true in contemporary China. It is therefore suggested that future research into the impacts of tourism within China need to take account of these wider social and economic issues.