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1、因此，在创造和革新的背景下来谈论习惯，似乎显得有点矛盾。But brain researchers have discovered that when we consciously develop new habits, we create parallel synaptic paths, and even entirely new brain cells, that can jump our trains of thought onto new, innovative tracks. But dont bother trying to kill off old habits; once th

2、ose ruts of procedure are worn into the hippocampus, theyre there to stay. Instead, the new habits we deliberately ingrain into ourselves create parallel pathways that can bypass those old roads.但大脑研究人员发现，当我们有意识地培养新的习惯的时候，我们创建了平行路径，甚至是全新的脑细胞，可以让我们的思路跳转到新的创新轨道上来。但是，不必费心试图摈弃各种旧习惯；一旦这些程序惯例融进大脑，它们就会留在那里

3、。相反，我们刻意培养的新习惯会创建平行路径能避开原来那些老路。“The first thing needed for innovation is a fascination with wonder,” says Dawna Markova, author of “The Open Mind” and an executive change consultant for Professional Thinking Partners. “But we are taught instead to decide, just as our president calls himself the Deci

4、der. ” She adds, however, that “to decide is to kill off all possibilities but one. A good innovational thinker is always exploring the many other possibilities.”开放思想一书的作者Dawna Markova说：“革新所需要的第一样东西，就是一种对好奇的着迷。然而我们被教导去做决定，就像我们的总裁称呼自己为决策者那样。”她补充道，“但是，决定意味着否决一切可能性而只保留一种。一个优秀的具有革新精神的思想者总是在探寻许多其它的可能。”Al

5、l of us work through problems in ways of which were unaware, she says. Researchers in the late 1960 covered that humans are born with the capacity to approach challenges in four primary ways: analytically, procedurally, relationally （or collaboratively） and innovatively. At puberty, however, the bra

6、in shuts down half of that capacity, preserving only those modes of thought that have seemed most valuable during the first decade or so of life.她说，我们都是通过一些自己没有意识到的方法解决问题的。研究人员在20世纪60年代末发现人类天生主要用四种方法应对挑战。这四种方法是分析法，程序法，关联（或合作）法和创新法。但是在青春期结束的时候，大脑关闭一半的能力，仅仅保留了那些大约在生命最开始的十几年时间里似乎是最有价值的思维方式。The current

7、emphasis on standardized testing highlights analysis and procedure, meaning that few of us inherently use our innovative and collaborative modes of thought. “This breaks the major rule in the American belief system that anyone can do anything,” explains M. J. Ryan, author of the 2006 book “This Year

8、 I Will.” and Ms. Markovas business partner. “Thats a lie that we have perpetuated, and it fosters commonness. Knowing what youre good at and doing even more of it creates excellence.” This is where developing new habits comes in.目前标准化测试主要强调分析和程序的能力，也就是说，我们中很少有人会本能地使用创新和合作的思维方式。M.J.Ryan是2006年出版的著作今年

9、我将.一书的作者以及Markova女士的商业合作伙伴，她解释说：“这打破了美国信念体系里的主要规则任何人都可以做任何事。这是一个我们已经使之永恒的谎言，这造就了平庸。了解你擅长什么并且多去实践就会成就卓越。”这就是培养新习惯的目的。Text 2 It is a wise father that knows his own child, but today a man can boost his paternal （fatherly） wisdom or at least confirm that hes the kids dad. All he needs to do is shell our

10、 $30 for paternity testing kit （PTK） at his local drugstore and another $120 to get the results.More than 60,000 people have purchased the PTKs since they first become available without prescriptions last years, according to Doug Fog, chief operating officer of Identigene, which makes the over-the-c

11、ounter kits. 再聪明的父亲也未必了解自己的孩子，但是如今男人可以提升其为人之父的智慧，至少可以确认他是孩子的父亲。他所要做的就是在当地药店里支付30美元买一个父子关系测试包（PTK），然后另支付120美元以获得该测试的各项结果。Doug Fogg是Identigene （生产这种在药店可以出售的测试包的公司）的首席运营官，他说，自从去年PTK不需要处方就能购买以来，已经有超过6万人购买了该产品。More than two dozen companies sell DNA tests Directly to the public , ranging in price from a f

12、ew hundred dollars to more than $2500.Among the most popular : paternity and kinship testing , which adopted children can use to find their biological relatives and latest rage a many passionate genealogists-and supports businesses that offer to search for a familys geographic roots .超过24家公司直接向公众出售D

13、NA检测工具，价格从几百美元到2500多美元不等。其中最受欢迎的是父子和血缘关系检测，被收养的孩子可以利用它找到自己的有血缘关系的亲属，而家庭也可以用它来找到被人收养的孩子。DNA检测也得到了许多热心的家谱学专家的推崇，还为那些寻找家族地域根源的服务公司提供了支持。Most tests require collecting cells by webbing saliva in the mouth and sending it to the company for testing. All tests require a potential candidate with whom to comp

14、are DNA. But some observers are skeptical, “There is a kind of false precision being hawked by people claiming they are doing ancestry testing,” says Trey Duster, a New York University sociologist. 多数测试需要从口腔唾液中获取细胞，并将唾液送至公司进行检测。所有的测试都需要一个潜在的对照者，以便进行DNA对比。但是，一些观察家们持怀疑态度。纽约大学的社会学家Troy Duster说，“那些声称可以进

15、行血统测试的人在散播一种虚假的精确信息”。 He notes that each individual has many ancestors-numbering in the hundreds just a few centuries back. Yet most ancestry testing only considers a single lineage, either the Y chromosome inherited through men in a fathers line or mitochondrial DNA, which a passed down only from m

16、others. This DNA can reveal genetic information about only one or two ancestors, even though, for example, just three generations back people also have six other great-grandparents or, four generations back, 14 other great-great-grandparents.他注意到每个人都有许多祖先，仅几个世纪以前就有好几百个。但是大多数血统检测只考虑单一的血统，要么只考虑来自父亲的男性

17、遗传Y染色体，要么只考虑遗传自母亲的线粒体DNA。这个DNA只能显示一两个祖先的基因信息，即使是这样，仅仅上溯到3代之前，举个例子来说，人们还有6个曾祖父母，或者上溯到4代以前，人们还有14个曾曾祖父母（的基因信息是显示不出的）。Critics also argue that commercial genetic testing is only as good as the reference collections to which a sample is compared. Databases used by some companies dont rely on data collect

18、ed systematically but rather lump together information from different research projects. This means that a DNA database may differ depending on the company that processes the results. In addition, the computer programs a company uses to estimate relationships may be patented and not subject to peer

19、review or outside evaluation. 批评家们还认为，商业性基因检测实际上也就是比对样本的参考资料库。一些公司使用的数据库里的数据并非系统收集所得，而是将不同研究项目的信息整合在一起。这意味某个DNA数据库可能会从某些地区收集到很多信息，而别的地区却没有收集到任何信息，所以一个人的测试结果会随着测试公司的不同而不同。此外，公司用来评估血缘关系的软件程序可能是其专利，所以这些软件缺乏同类比较或外界评估。Text 3 The relationship between formal education and economic growth in poor countries

20、is widely misunderstood by economists and politicians alike progress in both area is undoubtedly necessary for the social, political and intellectual development of these and all other societies; however, the conventional view that education should be one of the very highest priorities for promoting

21、 rapid economic development in poor countries is wrong. 贫穷国家中正规教育与经济发展之间的关系为经济学家及政治家们普遍误解。毫无疑问，在这两个方面都有所进步对于这些国家及其他国家的社会、政治及学术发展而言是必要的，但是那种认为“教育应该是促进贫穷国家经济快速发展的重要因素之一”的传统观点是错误的。We are fortunate that is it, because new educational systems there and putting enough people through them to improve econom

22、ic performance would require two or three generations. The findings of a research institution have consistently shown that workers in all countries can be trained on the job to achieve radical higher productivity and, as a result, radically higher standards of living.我们庆幸这个传统观点的确是错误的，因为创立新的教育体制，让足够多

23、的人接受教育以推动经济发展需要两代或三代人来完成。一家研究机构的研究成果一再表明所有国家的工人都可以进行（非正规）培训上岗以大幅度提高生产率，从而提高生活水平。Ironically, the first evidence for this idea appeared in the United States. Not long ago, with the country entering a recessing and Japan at its pre-bubble peak. The U.S. workforce was derided as poorly educated and one

24、of primary cause of the poor U.S. economic performance. Japan was, and remains, the global leader in automotive-assembly productivity. 具有讽刺意味的是，这一观点的首个证据出现在美国。不久前，随着美国进入衰退，日本正处于泡沫破灭前的高峰期，美国工人被嘲讽没有受过良好教育，并且被认为这是美国经济不景气的主要原因之一。在全球，不管过去还是现在，日本一直是汽车组装生产力的领袖。Yet the research revealed that the U.S. factor

25、ies of Honda Nissan, and Toyota achieved about 95 percent of the productivity of their Japanese countere pants a result of the training that U.S. workers received on the job.More recently, while examing housing construction, the researchers discovered that illiterate, non-English- speaking Mexican w

26、orkers in Houston, Texas, consistently met best-practice labor productivity standards despite the complexity of the building industrys work.然而，研究表明本田、尼桑和丰田位于美国工厂的生产率大约是日本同行的95%，这是美国工人接受在职培训的结果。最近，在进行住房建设检查时，研究人员发现在德克萨斯州的休斯顿，尽管建筑行业的工作复杂，但是未受过教育的，英语不是母语的墨西哥工人总是能够达到最佳的劳动生产率的各项标准。What is the real relati

27、onship between education and economic development? We have to suspect that continuing economic growth promotes the development of education even when governments dont force it. After all, thats how education got started. When our ancestors were hunters and gatherers 10,000 years ago, they didnt have

28、 time to wonder much about anything besides finding food. Only when humanity began to get its food in a more productive way was there time for other things.教育与经济发展之间的真正关系到底是什么？我们不得不怀疑，即使政府不强迫发展教育，经济持续增长也会促进教育事业的发展。毕竟，教育就是那样开始的。一万年前当我们的祖先还在狩猎和采集野果时，除了寻找食物他们没有时间想其它很多的东西。只有当人类能够更高效地获取食物时，才有时间做其它的事情。As

29、education improved, humanitys productivity potential, they could in turn afford more education. This increasingly high level of education is probably a necessary, but not a sufficient, condition for the complex political systems required by advanced economic performance. Thus poor countries might no

30、t be able to escape their poverty traps without political changes that may be possible only with broader formal education. 随着教育的进步，人类的生产潜力也增加了。当竞争的环境推动我们的祖先实现这一生产潜力，他们反过来，又有能力获得更多的教育机会。先进的经济水平要求复杂的政治制度，越来越高的教育水平可能是这种复杂政治制度的必要的，但不是充分的条件。因此，政治改革才可以使贫穷国家摆脱贫困陷阱，而政治改革则只能靠更广泛的正规教育实现。A lack of formal education, however, doesnt constrain the ability of the developing worlds workforce to substantially improve productivity for the forested future. On the contrary, constraints on improving productivity explain why education isnt developing more quickly there