1、奥巴马就中东和北非问题演讲奥巴马就中东和北非问题演讲(中英文)The White HouseOffice of the Press SecretaryFor Immediate Release May 19,2011Remarks by the President on the Middle East and North AfricaState Department,Washington,DCTHE PRESIDENT:Thank you. Thank you.(Applause.) Thank you very much. Thank you. Please, have a seat. Th
2、ank you very much. I want to begin by thanking Hillary Clinton, who has traveled so much these last six months that she is approaching a new landmark - one million frequent flyer miles. I count on Hillary every single day, and I believe that she will go down as one of the finest Secretaries of State
3、 in our nations history.The State Department is a fitting venue to mark a new chapter in American diplomacy. For six months, we have witnessed an extraordinary change taking place in the Middle East and North Africa. Square by square, town by town, country by country, the people have risen up to dem
4、and their basic human rights. Two leaders have stepped aside. More may follow. And though these countries may be a great distance from our shores, we know that our own future is bound to this region by the forces of economics and security, by history and by faith.Today, I want to talk about this cha
5、nge - the forces that are driving it and how we can respond in a way that advances our values and strengthens our security.Now, already, weve done much to shift our foreign policy following a decade defined by two costly conflicts. After years of war in Iraq, weve removed 100,000 American troops and
6、 ended our combat mission there. In Afghanistan, weve broken the Talibans momentum, and this July we will begin to bring our troops home and continue a transition to Afghan lead. And after years of war against al Qaeda and its affiliates, we have dealt al Qaeda a huge blow by killing its leader, Osa
7、ma bin Laden.Bin Laden was no martyr. He was a mass murderer who offered a message of hate - an insistence that Muslims had to take up arms against the West, and that violence against men, women and children was the only path to change. He rejected democracy and individual rights for Muslims in favo
8、r of violent extremism; his agenda focused on what he could destroy - not what he could build.Bin Laden and his murderous vision won some adherents. But even before his death, al Qaeda was losing its struggle for relevance, as the overwhelming majority of people saw that the slaughter of innocents d
9、id not answer their cries for a better life. By the time we found bin Laden, al Qaedas agenda had come to be seen by the vast majority of the region as a dead end, and the people of the Middle East and North Africa had taken their future into their own hands.That story of self-determination began si
10、x months ago in Tunisia. On December 17th, a young vendor named Mohammed Bouazizi was devastated when a police officer confiscated his cart. This was not unique. Its the same kind of humiliation that takes place every day in many parts of the world - the relentless tyranny of governments that deny t
11、heir citizens dignity. Only this time, something different happened. After local officials refused to hear his complaints, this young man, who had never been particularly active in politics, went to the headquarters of the provincial government, doused himself in fuel, and lit himself on fire.There
12、are times in the course of history when the actions of ordinary citizens spark movements for change because they speak to a longing for freedom that has been building up for years. In America, think of the defiance of those patriots in Boston who refused to pay taxes to a King, or the dignity of Ros
13、a Parks as she sat courageously in her seat. So it was in Tunisia, as that vendors act of desperation tapped into the frustration felt throughout the country. Hundreds of protesters took to the streets, then thousands. And in the face of batons and sometimes bullets, they refused to go home - day af
14、ter day, week after week - until a dictator of more than two decades finally left power.The story of this revolution, and the ones that followed, should not have come as a surprise. The nations of the Middle East and North Africa won their independence long ago, but in too many places their people d
15、id not. In too many countries, power has been concentrated in the hands of a few. In too many countries, a citizen like that young vendor had nowhere to turn - no honest judiciary to hear his case; no independent media to give him voice; no credible political party to represent his views; no free an
16、d fair election where he could choose his leader.And this lack of self-determination - the chance to make your life what you will - has applied to the regions economy as well. Yes, some nations are blessed with wealth in oil and gas, and that has led to pockets of prosperity. But in a global economy
17、 based on knowledge, based on innovation, no development strategy can be based solely upon what comes out of the ground. Nor can people reach their potential when you cannot start a business without paying a bribe.In the face of these challenges, too many leaders in the region tried to direct their
18、peoples grievances elsewhere. The West was blamed as the source of all ills, a half-century after the end of colonialism. Antagonism toward Israel became the only acceptable outlet for political expression. Divisions of tribe, ethnicity and religious sect were manipulated as a means of holding on to
19、 power, or taking it away from somebody else.But the events of the past six months show us that strategies of repression and strategies of diversion will not work anymore. Satellite television and the Internet provide a window into the wider world - a world of astonishing progress in places like Ind
20、ia and Indonesia and Brazil. Cell phones and social networks allow young people to connect and organize like never before. And so a new generation has emerged. And their voices tell us that change cannot be denied.In Cairo, we heard the voice of the young mother who said, “Its like I can finally bre
21、athe fresh air for the first time.”In Sanaa, we heard the students who chanted, “The night must come to an end.”In Benghazi, we heard the engineer who said, “Our words are free now. Its a feeling you cant explain.”In Damascus, we heard the young man who said, “After the first yelling, the first shou
22、t, you feel dignity.”Those shouts of human dignity are being heard across the region. And through the moral force of nonviolence, the people of the region have achieved more change in six months than terrorists have accomplished in decades.Of course, change of this magnitude does not come easily. In
23、 our day and age - a time of 24-hour news cycles and constant communication - people expect the transformation of the region to be resolved in a matter of weeks. But it will be years before this story reaches its end. Along the way, there will be good days and there will bad days. In some places, ch
24、ange will be swift; in others, gradual. And as weve already seen, calls for change may give way, in some cases, to fierce contests for power.The question before us is what role America will play as this story unfolds. For decades, the United States has pursued a set of core interests in the region:
25、countering terrorism and stopping the spread of nuclear weapons; securing the free flow of commerce and safe-guarding the security of the region; standing up for Israels security and pursuing Arab-Israeli peace.We will continue to do these things, with the firm belief that Americas interests are not
26、 hostile to peoples hopes; theyre essential to them. We believe that no one benefits from a nuclear arms race in the region, or al Qaedas brutal attacks. We believe people everywhere would see their economies crippled by a cut-off in energy supplies. As we did in the Gulf War, we will not tolerate a
27、ggression across borders, and we will keep our commitments to friends and partners.Yet we must acknowledge that a strategy based solely upon the narrow pursuit of these interests will not fill an empty stomach or allow someone to speak their mind. Moreover, failure to speak to the broader aspiration
28、s of ordinary people will only feed the suspicion that has festered for years that the United States pursues our interests at their expense. Given that this mistrust runs both ways - as Americans have been seared by hostage-taking and violent rhetoric and terrorist attacks that have killed thousands
29、 of our citizens - a failure to change our approach threatens a deepening spiral of division between the United States and the Arab world.And thats why, two years ago in Cairo, I began to broaden our engagement based upon mutual interests and mutual respect. I believed then - and I believe now - tha
30、t we have a stake not just in the stability of nations, but in the self-determination of individuals. The status quo is not sustainable. Societies held together by fear and repression may offer the illusion of stability for a time, but they are built upon fault lines that will eventually tear asunde
31、r.So we face a historic opportunity. We have the chance to show that America values the dignity of the street vendor in Tunisia more than the raw power of the dictator. There must be no doubt that the United States of America welcomes change that advances self-determination and opportunity. Yes, the
32、re will be perils that accompany this moment of promise. But after decades of accepting the world as it is in the region, we have a chance to pursue the world as it should be.Of course, as we do, we must proceed with a sense of humility. Its not America that put people into the streets of Tunis or Cairo - it was the people themselves who launched these movements, and its the people themselves that must ultimately determine their outcome.Not every country will follow our particular form of representative democracy, and there will
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